Lifting the veil: Liberation or Discrimination by Bernadette James

To what extent do Muslim Women in the West have autonomy to practice their religion? Using theory and practical examples discuss these perspectives from a Muslim point of view.

Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak (1988:294) once asked if it was possible for the subaltern to speak when one is understood as a woman, poor or black. In light of recent events being a Muslim woman living in western society can be added to this list. Western hegemonic practices constructed and continue to construct a particular image of Muslim women that restricts not only their religious freedoms but their rights as individuals living in western democratic societies. In late April 2010, the Belgian government passed a law banning Muslim women from wearing the burqa or niqab in public places (Tran 2010). France is set to follow with a similar ban with Mr Nicolas Sarkozy stating the reason for the ban is that the burqa is a symbol of women's oppression that will not be welcome in France (Tran 2010). It has been estimated that less than 2000 women out of a French Muslim population of 5 million will be affected by these laws yet Western governments have singled out these women as representing a danger to western culture and traditions. This essay seeks to examine the historical, political and social context for the treatment of Muslim women and their ability to practice their religion. I will argue that restrictions on their religious practices are not something new within western societies but have its roots in the colonial experience. Edward Said's critique of orientalism will be used to inform the construction of a particular image of Muslim women that has ramifications those impacts on their religious freedoms and civil rights. I will also seek to provide an understanding of the religious, cultural and social meaning of veiling for Muslim women living in western society today. While an image of Muslim women has been constructed as oppressed and passive victims, the paradox is that these women in both the west and the east have been involved in struggles for religious, political and social freedoms. In Afghanistan, women were made to wear the burqa by the Taliban regime, and in the West they are being forced not to wear it. A western image of Muslim fails to acknowledge the complexity and diversity of Muslim women and their practices of their religion.

Nicolas Sarkozy's statement of women's oppression is an echo of the colonial era's representation of Muslim women as in need of protection and rescue from oppressive practices. Spivak's work illustrates the representation of Muslim women in the colonial era as one of, “White men are saving brown women from brown men” (1988:296). Mr Sarkozy's statement and the actions of the French and Belgium governments reflect this view of Muslim women as needing to be rescued. The colonial experience informed a particular construct of non-western, non-white women, their culture and religion underpinned by western ideals and values. It was a binary opposition of characteristics contrasting the orient and the occident (Said 1991:1). In the colonial period, Muslim women were constructed as backward, sexual and oppressed living in a barbaric patriarchal society (El Guindi 1999:3). In many official texts and literature non-western women were represented in this light while contrasting them to western women who were constructed as Christian, free, moral and educated (Sardar 1999:2). Missionaries saw it as their duty and their service to liberate these women from oppression, “They will never cry for themselves, for they are down under the yoke of centuries of oppression” (Van Sommer and Zwemer 1907:15). Throughout the ages, Muslim women have been subjected to attempts to rescue them from oppression and backwardness. Hoodfar (1988:8) argues that in constructing an image of Muslim women as uneducated and oppressed it enabled the situation of the occident female to be hidden, which during this same period saw women defined, only by their biology and the domestic sphere, which was controlled by men. Orientalism constructed Muslim women as oppressed and dominated, that was contrasted with an equally constructed view of the occidental woman as free, Christian, moral and educated. Said (1991:4) has argued that both oriental and occidental are not natural histories but are constructed to produce a single mode of representation that discounted the diversity of their people and cultures. European economic, social, political, cultural and religious narratives produced themselves as one of superiority that therefore justified domination and control of the 'other'.

Many Muslim writers argue that the images of the contemporary Muslim women are constructs of the colonial era that discriminates against the way they choose to live their faith. Hoodfar claims that while in the West, the image of the burqa and other clothing as an oppressive symbol has been a static image; within Muslim cultures there has been a change in how Muslim dress is interpreted and how these interpretations are diverse and varied; “ Veiling is a lived experience full of contradictions and multiple meanings” (1988:5).While at times the burqa, hijab or niqab have been used within certain regimes and historical moments as oppressing women, it is not the only story of the veil and the experiences Muslim women (Hoodfar 1988:5). Leila Ahmed (2005:153) interviewed Muslim women at an American university college who indicated it was through their own choice that they wear the burqa. They all claimed that while the Qur'an did not require them to wear full covering their reasons for doing so were varied and diverse (Ahmed 2005:153). Some chose the burqa because it identified them with their community and compared it to Jewish people who wore the yarmulke while others saw it as a way of making people take note of who they were and to witness the value they placed on their identity and religion as Muslim woman living in western societies (Ahmed 2005:153). Others identified wearing it as a symbol of the struggle for social justice within the context of Muslims living in Palestine (Ahmed 2005:153). Wing & Nigh Smith (2005:759) found in their research that young Muslim women chose to wear headscarf's and clothing for a variety of reasons including personal religious conviction, acceptance of family traditions and values and cultural and community identity and as an escape of sexual harassment. One young women claimed that she felt freer and more feminine while at the same time displaying pride in her beliefs (Wing & Nigh Smith 2005:758). In research among young British Muslim women Dwyer(1999:17) found that clothing that covered the body and headscarves were used as a way of articulating identity within Islamic discourses about culture and identity within the Islamic community while at the same time reinventing dress suitable for their religious observances. Abu-Lughod finds that the dress that many modern Muslim women choose is both reflective of their piety and their “educated urban sophistication” (2002:786). Evidence from research in many western societies strongly suggests that young Muslim women living in the west are making decisions and choices that are informed equally by social and political discourse as well as religious and cultural traditions.

Muslim women in western societies in trying to implement their decision in the practice of their faith and membership of community have been hindered by governments and societies legislating and questioning within racist discourse surrounding their decisions and practice. Government legislation in Belgium and France are the most recent evidence of the restrictions of religious freedoms for these women however; Hoodfar (1993: 13) points out that in most western societies Muslim women experience both “overt and covert forms of racism and chauvinism'' and even more so since 9/11. She argues that Muslim women have to struggle with tones of racism and patriarchy in both academic and social discourse regarding what they wear and why they wear it (Hoodfar 1993:13). They constantly struggle to have their voices heard over stories of oppression in Iran and other Islamic cultures that reaffirm colonial Western images of oppression and Muslim women as passive victims which is then used to validate the superiority of western morals and values (Hoodfar 1993:13). In France Muslim women's voices have been silenced in previous debates surrounding headscarves and veils and when some dared to speak they were seen as “insolent and contemptuous” (Wing and Nigh Smith 2005:758). The media has controlled how these women have been represented and has helped propagate the public debate centred on colonial images of the Muslim dress as oppressive and thus inferior to western values.

Abu-Lughod (2002:784) argues that news reporting in the aftermath of 9/11 used Muslim women and their religious practices as a way of interpreting Muslim culture to understand terrorism. As in the colonial era Muslim women were used to abstract from the patriarchy of the West, Muslim women were now used to abstract from the political and historical interventions by the West in these areas of conflict. In comparison to other religious and social observances concerning dress, Muslim women have been singled out for special treatment and condemnation. Dwyer's (1999:12) research of young Muslim girls in British high-schools found that these young women experienced attitudes from some non-Muslim students and the community as being “backward and being in the dark ages”. In some British schools Muslim women have to comply with uniform standards that prohibit them from wearing any dress that identifies them as Muslim (Dwyer 1999:13). In comparison, other religious codes of dress do not receive the same social and political interference in their choices of religious observances and dress. Abu-Lughod (2002:785) points out that Hasidic women wear wigs and have high street fashion altered to cover their neck and arms in order to observe their religious standards of covering their hair and body. Some Christian nuns still choose to wear clothing that covers both their head and body. None of these Jewish and Christian religious dress observances are prohibited or even discouraged in Western societies. In contemporary Western society Muslim women are neither respected for their choices or support by these societies in the practice of their religion.

The ability of Muslim women living in Western society to practice their religious beliefs and have autonomy in the choices they make is restricted by both government intervention and the wider community's acceptance of their rights to those choices and practices. The dress of these women has identified them as oppressed and passive victims that are an echo from the colonial era which constructed them in this image and failed to recognise the diversity of the religious and cultural practices in the Islamic world. The experience of Muslim women in contemporary Western society is still mired in these types of constructions that fail to recognise the diversity of beliefs and the significance of their religious practices for both themselves as individuals and their community. In feminist discourse they are attacked for their dress as symbols of oppression rather than their rights to be who they are and their struggle for freedom of religious and civil rights. In any political or social discourse their dress and religious practices are constructed to validate western values and culture while abstracting western patriarchal practices and political interference throughout the non-Western world. In order for the voices of Muslim women to be heard and their choices respected there must be a break from the colonial past and the image of the orient 'other' as alien. In Western societies that pride themselves on the ideals of democratic freedoms of both religion and civil rights Muslim women stand out as being excluded from these rights. If the modern Muslim women's perspective was appreciated and understood as one of choice and diversity then perhaps societies could focus on victims of oppression throughout the world whether they are, female, poor or black.

References:

Abu-Lughod, Lila.2002. 'Do Muslim Women Really Need Saving? Anthropological Reflections on Cultural Relativism and Its Others'. American Anthropologist. 104(3): 783-790

Ahmed, Leila. 2005. 'The Veil Debate – Again'. In On Shifting Ground, ed. Fereshteh Nouraie-Simone. New York: Feminist Press at the City University of New York.

Dwyer, Claire. 1999. 'Veiled Meanings: Young British Muslim Women and the Negotiation of differences'. Gender, Place and Culture 6: 5-26.

El, Guindi, Fadwa. 1999. Veil: Modesty, Privacy and Resistance. Oxford: Berg. Fremson, Ruth.

Hoodfar, Homa.1993. 'The Veil in Their Minds and On Our Heads: the Persistence of Colonial Images of Muslim Women'. RFR/DRF 22 (3,4): 5-18.

Said, Edward W. 1991. 'Orientalism Now'. Orientalism: Western Conceptions of Orient. London: Penguin.

Sadar, Ziauddin. 1999. 'The Concept of Orientalism'. In Orientalism. Buckinham and Philadelphia: Open University Press.

Spivak, Gayatri Chakravorty. 1988. Can the Subaltern Speak? In Marxism and the Interpretation of Culture. Eds. Cary Nelson and Lawrence Grossberg. Urbana: University of Illinois Press.

Van Sommer and Zwemer. 1907. Our Moslem Sisters: A Cry of Need from Lands of Darkness Interpreted by those Who Heard It. New York: Fleming H. Revell Co.

Tran, Mark. 2010. 'Islamic veils face ban in Belgium'. Guardian.co.uk. 22 April 2010. Accessed 25 May 2010. Available at http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2010/apr/22/belgium-burqz-ban/print

Wing, Adrien & Monica Nigh Smith. 2005. 'Critical Race Feminism Lifts the Veil?: Muslim Women, France and the Headscarf. UC Davis Law Review. University of California. 39: 743-778.

Towards an aboriginal Christian theology, are aboriginal spirituality and Christianity fundamentally incompatible? Shona Chandani

Towards an aboriginal Christian theology, are aboriginal spirituality and Christianity fundamentally incompatible?

In the last census only 1.3 percent of people who identified as ATSI (Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander) put a traditional aboriginal spirituality as their religion, compared to 38 percent who identified as a Christian denomination. Clearly, the missionaries in early settlement accomplished their goals, to bring Christianity to the ‘natives’. With conditions and expectations so far below the national average in indigenous communities it is wrong to assume that Christianity is fulfilling the needs of the aboriginal people. face the challenge of defining their own spirituality in a culture that has denied or downplayed recognition of their spiritual heritage. It is vital for Australia’s indigenous people that Christianity and aboriginal spirituality find some common ground, a way to connect. The aboriginal people of Australia, the traditional owners of this land, clearly need an aboriginal Christian theology. Is this possible, are aboriginal spirituality and Christianity fundamentally incompatible?

What is aboriginal spirituality? In this essay the term spirituality is used rather than religion because the traditional western idea of religion is too confining, oversimplifies the complexities. It is not possible to divide the land from spirituality, the nature in which aboriginal life and communities are connected to the land means they are one and the same. Aboriginal spirituality is enacted through art, song, dance and music rather than the written word. It is experienced, not discussed. “Aboriginal spirituality is a feeling of oneness, of belonging, a connectedness with deep innermost feelings (Mudrooroo, 1995).” Everything from where to hunt to the meaning of existence is explained in aboriginal culture through the power and telling of myths and stories (Cowan, 1994, 10). This is usually done through song, dance and drawings. These stories or myths come from the Dreaming and have been passed down through hundreds of generations. The Dreaming or Dreamtime is the most potentially confusing concept associated with aboriginal spirituality. The dreaming should not be confused with spirituality. It is not an aboriginal term and does not encompass all aspects of aboriginal spirituality. “The Dreaming or Dreamtime indicates a psychic state in which or during which contact is made with the ancestral spirits, or the Law, or that special period of the beginning (Korff).”

The first interaction between Christianity and aboriginal spirituality was not a positive one. The missions and reserves set out the ‘civilise and Christianise’ the aboriginal people (Tripcony, 1996). They were separated from their land and spiritual homes. Their language and traditional practices were prohibited. When the settlers separated the aborigines from their land this alienated them from their spiritual needs and knowledge. They could not perform the ceremonies to fulfil their religious commitment to their land. The purpose of this was to create a void for Christianity to fill. Even so, to suggest that missionaries simple brainwashed the aborigines gives no credit to them as an intelligent people. Some aboriginals rejected the nation of Christ and Christianity because it had no relevance to them as aborigines (Rainbow Spirit Elders, 1997, 2-3). Most aborigines did not outright reject Christianity. They instead did something that something that missionaries didn’t expect, they found ways to combine the old and new in a process known to anthropologists as syncretism, whereby “the merging of elements from different, even seemingly irreconcilable, world views, is a feature of all religious systems as they seek to adapt to their environments” (Edwards, 1994, 77). This allowed them a means to practice their traditional spirituality while adapting to their new environment. This explanation should not be used to oversimplify the devastating effect that colonisation had on traditional spirituality but it is the beginnings of an aboriginal theology.

Engaging with biblical literature rather than western theology may hold the key to linking aboriginal spirituality and Christianity (Paulson, 2006). There are many dreamtime stories which have common elements with stories from the bible. Myth and storytelling are such an integral part of aboriginal spirituality that this is vital. Creation stories are common to almost every culture. In the Christian bible the creation story is recorded as God, the father, bringing light and life to the earth is seven days. The aboriginal creation myth, although there is no single version of the story, is not dissimilar. It begins with the father creator spirit awakening the sun mother to create life on earth. There is even an Adam and Eve element in the story of The Two Wise Men and The Seven Sisters (http://australianmuseum.net.au/movie/The-Two-Wise-Men-and-the-Seven-Sisters). There is something to be learnt from the way that aboriginal people connect with their dreamtime stories. they live them, sing them and feel them in a way which is different to the way Christians experience the bible. Each dreamtime story makes up part of an aboriginal person’s identity and connection to their land and community. It connects them to their religion in a deep and personal way.

The fundamental values of aboriginal spirituality and Christianity are compatible. It is extremely difficult, if not impossible, to separate aboriginal culture from their spirituality. There are no specific parts that can be called religion or culture so the values of the community are representative of the spiritual values. These values and laws are passed down from parent to child, often through Dreamtime stories. There is no single set of values in aboriginal culture that apply to every indigenous group but the values of all stem from the needs of the community. Respect for your family, elders and tribe; respecting life; sharing resources and not being selfish are all common values across multiple groups (Australian Museum). Using the values in the Ten Commandments to represent the fundamental values of Christianity both sets of values, while not identical, are in line with one another. The difficulty with these traditional values is that they were interrupted by the introduction of Christianity and the severing of tribal groups from their traditional land which is intimately connected to their spirituality. The values of the aboriginal community at large have been fundamentally changed by this.

One way to forge ties and find compatibilities between aboriginal spirituality and Christianity is to have a uniquely aboriginal church. The idea of an aboriginal church means different things to different people (Loos, 2007, 151). To some Christian churches it a very threatening idea. To aborigines, Aboriginal Christianity can be, and often is, seen as a derogatory ‘whitefella’ concept. There has been very little theological reflection that stems from an aboriginal perspective (Paulson, 2006). As Sze-kar Wan has argued, the church lives out its identity “not by erasing ethnic and cultural differences but by combining these differences into a hybrid existence” (Paulson, 2006, 317). There are many opportunities for spiritual hybridity and strengthening. Totems and animistic spirits for example, often act in a way which is similar to angels. Both are arranged in a hierarchical order, serving and protecting human interests while receiving respect and reverence in return. By working towards an aboriginal theology there is a real opportunity to strengthen Australian spirituality by truly understanding traditional Australian spirituality. “The Aboriginal people have a distinctive way of looking at things here in Australia which is unique compared to anything else in the world. Mainstream Australia has to take that on if it’s to be truly the Church Jesus wants it to be. It’s not an Asian or Pacific church or a European church — it’s a uniquely Australian church (Atkinson, 2008).” The aboriginal people connect with this country and land in a way that western society has yet to fully explore or appreciate. Aboriginal spirituality is about remembering that there is something bigger than the individual, something larger to be connected to and care for, the Christian churches could learn a lot from this.

The idea of integration is not just coming from a western perspective, many aboriginal people are working towards making this happen but not at the expense of their traditional culture. Donga Mununguritj, a Christian leader from the Yirrkala community in the Northern Territory says about aboriginal spirituality and Christianity, “many laws and customs are similar, but there are differences....you cannot chose whether or not you are an aboriginal, but you can chose your way of life. Aboriginal spirituality is not just a religion, it’s an entire culture” (Swart, 2004). This kind of Christianity is all about allowing aboriginal Australians to relate to Christianity through their traditional spirituality. Christianity has thrived throughout history by melding with and being tolerant of existing beliefs and culture. The promise of completion rather than abolition is the key to success here. Traditional Aboriginal societies are examples of ‘ sacred societies’ where religion was all-pervasive. It was intimately connected to everyday living; with relations between the sexes, the natural environment, social interactions and with food collecting and hunting (Maddox, 1999). Aboriginal Christianity would need to be able to perform this same function which would make it quite different from many forms of modern Christianity.

A more Pentecostal or charismatic Christian approach would be the most effective which is a move away from the traditional catholic and Anglican ministries. Historically, Christian churches and leaders were extremely reluctant to link the practices of aboriginal spirituality with Christian practices (Rainbow Spirit Elders, 1997, viii). This is because their ceremonies were considered to be pagan and barbaric. For many aboriginal people this appeared to be yet another way for the Christian missionaries to exercise control over their lives and “was very damaging” (Loos, 2007, 158). Pentecostal Christianity focuses on God permeating through every aspect of your life and also on the experiential side of religion rather than the theological. During Pentecostal services there is an emphasis on song and movement, the service isn’t something that happens around you, it’s something to experience and participate in. Attempting to call Jesus’ spirit into the service through active worship. This is more in line with the traditional way that aboriginal ceremonies are carried out. They involve song and dance and require active participation, often a particular spirit is called or acclaimed.

There are churches and groups that have already taken steps towards a hybrid theology. The Catholic parish at Halls Creek in the East Kimberley’s for example. Inspired by theologian Juan Luis Segundo, Noel McMaster started a movement within his ministry aimed at better educating and understanding the issues affecting aboriginal people and reassign the meaning of the church for the aboriginal community. It’s not possible for the church to move into the future without taking further consideration of aboriginal issues and beliefs (McMaster, 2001). Harris (1990) agrees with this, he found that most aborigines who made a conscious rejection of Christianity did so not because they thought Christianity was fake but because it had no relevance to them as aborigines. Rainbow Spirit Theology is dedicated to finding the links between aboriginal culture and Christianity. It argues that God has been speaking through aboriginal culture since the beginning. It also encourages western churches to learn from traditional aboriginal spirituality, to have a two way dialogue. Rainbow Spirit Theology uses a four-streamed model in the directions in the land, north, south, east and west oriented around the sun. Three streams come together to provide the sources for the theology and the fourth flows into the future. The south represents insights from aboriginal culture, the north is for ancient wisdom and the east is the Gospel. The west is for strength into the future (Rainbow Spirit Elders, 1997, 15). By taking knowledge from both aboriginal spirituality and Christianity they hope to create a stronger theology. Many other aboriginal groups have been adapting stories from the bible into an aboriginal context. This has been particularly successful in traditional art and drawings which are a fundamental part of aboriginal culture. Appendix 1 is a traditional aboriginal representation of the birth of Jesus.

There is no single belief in either Christianity or aboriginal spirituality that makes them incompatible. In fact, the fundamental beliefs of both religions are quite complimentary. The two cultures have much to learn from each other and will hopefully do just that on the path to finding an aboriginal theology. Despite coming from markedly different origins there are commonalities between stories in the bible and Dreamtime stories. The new movement to find an aboriginal theology proves that there are opportunities for Christianity and aboriginal spirituality to merge on common ground. The aboriginal peoples of Australia can never get back what was taken from them by the settlers but by forging an aboriginal Christian church which combines traditional and western beliefs and by forging a relationship between Christianity and aboriginal spirituality, perhaps they can find a sense of equilibrium in the modern Australian landscape. Christianity and aboriginal spirituality are compatible, it is up to us to put aside old prejudices and forge new links.


Appendix 1


Jesus Nativity Scene by Mary Leahy Pumbum
Three angels hover over the shed with baby Jesus, Mary and Joseph are on the right, the three kings on the left. The image is a good example of how Aboriginal people included other spiritual concepts in their own spirituality.
www.cooinda-gallery.com.au



Reference List

Atkinson, M. (2008). Aboriginal Spirituality. http://www.thetransitlounge.com.au/domestic/215-aboriginalspirituality.html. Accessed 20/06/2009.

Australian Museum. (2009). Stories of the Dreaming. http://australianmuseum.net.au/Stories-of-the-Dreaming. Accessed 20/06/2009.

Harris, J. (1990). One Blood: 200 years of aboriginal encounter with Christianity, a story of hope. Sutherland, NSW: Albatross Books.

Korff, J. Aboriginal Indigenous spirituality and beliefs. http://www.creativespirits.info/aboriginalculture/spirituality/. Accessed 20/06/2009.

Loos, N. (2007). White Christ Black Cross: The emergence of a black church. Canberra: Aboriginal Studies Press.

Maddox, M. (1999). Indigenous religion in secular Australia. Commonwealth of Australia. http://www.aph.gov.au/library/pubs/rp/1999-2000/2000rp11.htm#one. Accessed 20/06/2009.

Mudrooroo. (1995). Us Mob: history, culture, struggle: an introduction to indigenous Australia. Sydney: Angus & Robertson.

Paulson, G. (2006). Towards an aboriginal theology. Pacifica 19. 310-321.

Rainbow Spirit Elders. (1997). Rainbow spirit theology: Towards an Australian aboriginal theology. Victoria: HarperCollinsReligious

Swart, R. (2004). Mission Voices. Australian Broadcasting Corporation, Film Victoria & Koorie Heritage Trust. http://www.abc.net.au/missionvoices/default.htm. Accessed 20/06/2009.

Tripcony, P. (1996). Too obvious to see: Aboriginal spirituality and cosmology. Queensland University of Technology. http://www.oodgeroo.qut.edu.au/academic_resources/academicpape/tooobviousto.jsp. Accessed 20/06/2009.

Religiosity and Generation Y

Nathan Harding:

Research regarding ReligiosityGeneration Y

There are significant differences between groups identifying with mainline religion and those that do not. Within these religious groups there is a further distinction between those who are actively engaged and those who disengaged with their religion. The affiliation of an adolescent with a religion or their affiliation with none, according to statistics, has a significant bearing on the behavioural characteristics that an individual exhibits.

The statistics covered in this paper are from nations such as the United States, Australia and Canada and largely have to do with Christianity because other religions are a small percentage of the population within these countries and are thus least represented in the surveys (Mason et al 2007; Smith et al 2003; Australian Bureau of Statistics 2006).

Discuss differences between Groups

There are three religious groups discussed in this paper that are relevant to adolescent association with their individual religiosity. The first are those associated with mainline religion. The second are those identified as non-religious. The third are those belonging to cults. All three are identified by various adolescents as describing their degree of religiosity.

Mainline Religions

Mainline religions (e.g. Judaism, Christianity, Islam) are identified as religions that hold the belief in the existence of God, view faith as important and values at least some active participation within its community. Though there are similarities amongst the mainline religions there are also differences noted in the surveys between them. The results of a survey taken amongst Gen Y adolescents asking them whether they felt God related to them personally revealed that less than half of those that identified with the category of other religions (religions other than Christianity) felt that God related to them personally whereas the majority of adolescents (76%) identifying themselves as Christian felt that God related to them on a personal level (Mason et al 2007, 88). Other statistics found that those identifying themselves with other religions had a stronger belief in the life after death than did those within Christianity (Mason et al 2007, 139). Stats also found that amongst Gen Y the highest sense of feeling welcomed within a religious community (92%) was found amongst those within the ‘Other Religions’ category (Mason et al 2007, 139). Though there are differences amongst mainline religions and the feelings of Gen Ys’ within these religions there are many similarities and values amongst Gen Y adherents.

Non-Religious

Generation Y adolescents within the non-religious category are generally classified as individuals that do not believe in God. Instead many affiliated with this category believe that there is a higher force or being other than the traditional religious view of God (Mason et al 2007, 139). However, this group is not without religious ideas. In fact they hold some ideas that are very religious in nature, e.g. 42 percent believe in life after death (Mason et al 2007, 139). Mason, Singleton and Webber (2007, 139) say that this type of, ‘… “religious opinion” … seems to have few practical consequences in terms of impact on a person’s life’. It is interesting to note that those that do not identify with any religion, ‘… report that they do pray’ (Smith et al 2003, 118).

Cults

Cults are the third type of distinct group that should be mentioned in a discussion regarding categories of religiosity and Generation Y. Cults are significantly different to any other category within the religious landscape and they specifically target adolescents (Richmond 2004, 367). While religious involvement with mainline religions is significantly influenced by parental involvement and encouragement and peer influence (Mason et al 2007; Sinha et al 2007) Adolescent involvement in cults are usually driven by a sense of alienation from parents, rebellious attitudes towards authority figures, sense of instability in the world and a sense of isolation from peers (Richmond 2004, 368-69). Some cults are also characterized by a destructive element. Adolescents involved in cults are exposed to unhealthy psychological processes, manipulation and mind controlling techniques in order to gain control of the cult member (Richmond 2004, 367). Though cults are a small portion of the population in regard to Christianity it is still an important religious category in a discussion involving Generation Y because cults specifically target adolescents and there is an increased susceptibility of Generation Y towards cults because of the current climate of increasing number of broken families and a continuing sense of global instability.

A further Distinction amongst Adolescents who Affiliating Themselves with Religion

To understand Generation Y religiosity one must understand that amongst adolescents who affiliate themselves with the religious category there is a further distinction between two types of individuals. This distinction is between those that are engaged and those that are disengaged with their particular religious affiliation (Barna 2007; Clark 2009; Cnaan et al 2003; Sinha et al 2007). Lam (cited in Sinha et al 2007, 234) noted that there is a difference between commitment to the practices of a particular religion, active participation in religious activities and identifying with the beliefs of a particular religion. The best way to illustrate this phenomenon of engagement and disengagement found within the statistics is through categorising three different levels of religious affiliation.

The lowest level is an individual that identifies themself with a particular religion. Individuals in this level of religious affiliation identify with a particular religion, its core beliefs (e.g. Belief in God) and the importance of their faith. Despite their belief that faith is important one-third of Generation Y in this level do, ‘… not attend religious worship’ (Cnaan et al 2003, 188). Identification with a religion does not necessarily mean that faith is important to you. Stats say that youth who identify themselves with a religion say that their faith is ‘not important’ and never perform a basic religious practice like ‘praying’ (Smith et al 2003, 120). Most adolescents who identify with a faith cannot articulate specifics concerning their faith and show little example of how it impacts, ‘… their lives’ (Cnaan et al 2003, 188). Identification is the lowest level of affiliation because it does not infer a high value of religious faith; adherence to specific beliefs or participation involving basic practices of faith.

The second level includes those who are active participants in their religion. The Statistics seem to show that attendance is the next level up from identification in an individual’s level of affiliation. Cnaan, Gelles and Sinha (2004, 188) found roughly the same statistics that two-thirds of adolescents cited, along with a personal value of their faith, an active participation in religious activities. Although 68% adolescents involved in religious activities say that they go on their own accord there is a significant correlation between adolescent attendance and parent participation within the religious community. There could be many reasons for an adolescent who affiliates himself/herself on the second level of affiliation, but it does not specifically signify whether or not religious faith is important to the individual. Barna (2007, 8) carried out a survey within the Christian community and commented that, ‘Not even half our young people (46 percent) state that their religious faith is very important in their lives’. The second level of active participation is a further step towards a higher degree of religiosity and religious affiliation in an adolescent’s life.

The third and highest level is linked with individuals who identify themselves as committed to their religion. Stats show a clear distinction between those who view faith as important (81%); those who allow their religious views to effect their behaviour (69%) and those who state they are committed to their faith (26%) (Smith et al 2003, 117). Barna (2007) illustrates this higher level of commitment amongst some individuals within the Christian community. These individuals identify themselves as born again. The percentage within the Christian community is small (Barna 2007; Smith et al 2003). Smith (2003, 120) states that as little as 26% identify themselves as born again with the vast majority (74%) of Gen Y affiliated with Christianity identifying themselves as not born again. Barna stats define these individuals as having embraced fundamentals of the faith, such as, ‘… Jesus … as … saviour … the Bible as the guide for life … seek to live in obedience … [articulate] … relationship with God’, and they, ‘… live in ways that are noticeably different … compared to the average’ individual participating in religious activities (2007, xvi). Commitment to faith seems to be the highest level of affiliation identified in the research regarding Generation Y and their religiosity.

Difference in Behaviours of Religious and None-religious Gen. Y’s

Within Generation Y there are significant differences in the behaviour of adolescents who identify themselves as religious and those who do not. The following are five behaviours that are significantly influenced by the religiosity of an adolescent.

Frequency of Pray

The first behaviour to be analysed is the act of prayer. Those who adhere to religious belief are more likely to pray with more frequency than those who are not or less religious. There is a high correlation between youth that identify faith as very important and youth that pray frequently, i.e. daily. Smith et al (2003, 120) reports that, ‘… 68 percent of American youth with some religious affiliation’, and who have indicated that faith is a very important part of their life said that they prayed, ‘… daily’ and a further 89 percent said they pray either daily or weekly. Though the three survey’s that smith cites reveals that the majority of American youth pray it also shows the less religious a teen was the less frequent they prayed (2003, 118, 120).

Incorporation of Media in Identity Construction

The second behaviour is the utilizing of media in the construction of individual identity. Adolescents who identify themselves as less or not at all religious allow the media significant influence in their individual identity construction. Clark (2009) found that amongst teens she interviewed media played a role in their ‘religious identity construction’ particularly amongst those teens that were less religious or did not identify themselves with mainline religion. Clark (2009, 14) interviewed two teenage girls who drew upon the ‘media representations’ and films such as ‘The Craft’ in their ‘identity construction’ despite their parents efforts. The media has a significant role in Generation Y’s religious identity construction particularly those teens who are identified as less religious.

Television Selection

The third behaviour influenced is the selection of television programming choices. The degree of religiosity of Generation Y adolescents has an effect on their television program choices. The link between religion and the consumption and choice of television programs might often be overlooked and even considered irrelevant. Bobkowski (2009, 57) reveals that this could not be further from the truth and in fact cites religion as the strongest factor involved in adolescent television choices, ‘… religiosity plays a role in youths’ entertainment choices above and beyond demographic, socioeconomic, and parental variables’. The results of the showed that teens were making programming choices in light of their religious background and furthermore watched television programs that reinforced their ‘religious values’ (Bobkowski 2009, 66-67). It also revealed that adolescents who were not religious or were less religious were more likely to choose television that was ‘voyeuristic’, more sexually and violently explicit and watch more television then their significantly religious peers (Bobkowski 2009, 58). The religiosity of Gen Yers has a direct effect on their television choices.

The Degree of Religiosity associated with Adolescent Risk Behaviours

The last behaviour to be reviewed here is the result of the degree of religiosity upon involvement in risk behaviours. The studies reviewed in this paper show that those who are less religious or not religious are more likely to involve themselves in risk behaviours, e.g. smoking, alchohol abuse, truancy, sexual activity, marijuana use, and depression (Clark 2002; Sinha et al 2007). Sinha et al (2007, 245-6) state that when an adolescent’s level of religiosity decreases, ‘… their involvement in risk behaviour increases’. Whereas an Australian study involving 954 adolescents revealed that for teens, ‘… membership in a church or faith community was significant in reducing risk behaviors’ (Sinha et al 2007, 234). An example of this is out of all the girls surveyed who were not involved in sexual activity, ‘…44% cited religious or moral values as their motivation for abstinence’ (Sinha et al 2007, 245). ‘Increased religious perception and increased religious behaviors [sic] are generally’, cited as the cause of decreased ‘youth risk behaviors[sic]’ (Sinha et al 2007, 243).

The four behaviours discussed above show the behavioural choices and differences made by those who have little to know connection with religiosity and those that do is significant.

Conclusions

There are definite differences between the various religious group that Generation Y affiliate themselves with and further behavioural differences between religious teens and non-religious teens. Though statistics state that the religiosity of teens will effect their behaviour inclinations towards either pro-social behaviour or negative risk behaviours it must be said that these are generalizations and descriptions of general trends within Generation Y and not a concrete picture of every Generation Y adolescent’s individual morality and behaviour. However it is evident in general observation that Adolescents not adhering to a specific religion can have strong moral and ethical convictions and adolescents that have some kind of religious affiliation can illustrate a lack of moral or ethical conduct and be involved in those activities associated with risk behaviours. According to the stats reviewed in this paper despite the differences between the various religious groups there is one definite common trait: those who affiliate themselves with religion exhibit higher pro-social behaviour and are less prone to risk behaviours then non-religious youths and the great degree of an adolescent’s affiliation with religion the better.

Bibliography

Australia, 2006 Census Table: Australia, Australian Bureau of Statistics, http://www.censusdata.abs.gov.au/ABSNavigation/prenav/ViewData?breadcrumb=POTLD&method=Place%20of%20Usual%20Residence&subaction=-1&issue=2006&producttype=Census%20Tables&documentproductno=0&textversion=false&documenttype=Details&collection=Census&javascript=true&topic=Religion&action=404&productlabel=Religious%20Affiliation%20(broad%20groups)%20by%20Sex&order=1&period=2006&tabname=Details&areacode=0&navmapdisplayed=true&.

Barna, George. Revolutionary Parenting: What the Research Shows Really Works. Illinois: Tyndale House Publishers, 2007.

Bobkowski, Piotr S. “Adolescent Religiosity and Selective Exposure.” Journal of Media and Religion 8 (2009): 55-70.

Clark, Lynn Schofield. “U.S. adolescent religious identity, the media, and the ‘funky’ side of religion.” Journal of communication 53 (Dec 2002): 794-811.

Cnaan, Ram A., Richard J. Gelles and Jill W. Sinha. “Youth and Religion: The Gameboy Generation Goes to Church.” Social Indicators Research 68 (3004): 175-200.

Mason, Michael, Andrew Singleton and Ruth Webber. The Spirit of Generation Y: Young People’s Spirituality in a changing Australia. Victoria: John Garratt Publishing, 2007.

Richmond, Lee J. “When Spirituality Goes Awry: Students in Cults.” American School Counsellor Association 7 (June 2004): 367-75.

Sinha, Jill W, Ram A. Cnaan, Richard J. Gelles. “Adolescent Risk Behaviors and Religion: Findings from a National Study.” Journal of Adolescence 30 (2007): 231-249.

Smith, Christian, Robert Faris, Melinda Lundquist Denton and Mark Regenerus. “Mapping American Subjective Religiosity and Attitudes of Alienation toward Religion: A Research Report.” Sociology of Religion 64, No. 1 (2003): 111-133.

DIASPORA (migration & change) and SOCIO-RELIGIOUS PRACTICES by Viviana Gomez-Sanchez

This paper seeks to explain the concepts of Diaspora and practical examples of groups of religious diaspora. This study also aims to understand how groups of diaspora across the globe create ways to transform their socio-religious practices or to maintain them when living in the host country. Most of the theoretical views of Diaspora are related to terms such migration, transnationalism, globalization and identity. These terms will be expanded on later, in relation to the matter, to then illustrate them with existing cases of diasporic communities and their practices.

First of all, what is the importance of studies of Diasporas? According to Vertovec (2000), research in this area: 1) gives an insight into religious transformations; 2) shows how diasporas could potentially affect the development for religion in the homeland; and 3) it is also important because of the great incidence of diasporas in the modern world - as multi-ethnicity is widespread in the 21st Century. Due to the significance of research on Diaspora, it is crucial to describe and understand the theoretical viewpoints. Initially, it is important to place diaspora in a religious context throughout this paper. Thus, some statements on how religion is learned and how individuals become part of different religious institutions and belief-systems in their homeland will be provided to then relate migration, change and socio-religious practices of diasporic communities.

In his study, Zucherkman (2003) analysed the concepts of religion in a sociological perspective. He stated that “religious identity and conviction are not generally so much a matter of choice or faith or soul-searching as a matter of who and what one’s parents, friends, neighbours, and community practice and profess stated that behaviours, customs, set of beliefs: most of things we know, feel and do are socially internalised” .Thus, religion is acquired by people in their surroundings. People learn and practice their religious experiences and cultural beliefs in formal and informal behaviours. Most of these experiences are expected to happen in a person’s life in the same way that these experiences were socially learned (Zuckerman, 2003). We could now start drawing some of the concepts of Diaspora and describe these types of communities within different host countries. Vertovec (2000) and other authors have come across several definitions and have placed diaspora in different contexts. Overall, for a number of scholars, the definition of diaspora is related to free movement, particularly the concept belonging to ancient Jews living with Greeks and galut, involving unintentional movement due to an occupation of the territory that was considered home (Marienstras, 1989).

If concepts and conventional meanings of Diaspora are related to Jewish or another group’s historical experiences, Vertovec (2000) stressed clearly that when we mention that something has taken place in the diaspora, we should specify whether we are talking about a process of becoming spread out, a community living in foreign places, or referring to a place or geographical space in which separated groups live. Vertovec also scrutinized the nature of diaspora as discussed by Shaye & Frerichs (1993). They stated that the essence of diaspora in the earliest times its continued pertinence to the present (Shaye & Frerichs, 1993). They refer to ‘the nature of diaspora’ as a mass migration or displaced or flight from one location to another place or places. It could also be seen as an event in the history of several groups and individuals of ancient times (Shaye & Frerichs, 1993). Furthermore, there are other issues to be examined including the matter of whether the dispersed people preserve a sense of self-identity and also a gauge of communal unity. Finally, they also questioned how these particular people adapt to the environment without losing their group-identity background (Shaye & Frerichs, 1993). Most of recent approaches to this matter have represented Diaspora as a ‘social form’ in which there are concerns about the level and nature of social, political and economic relationships between the ones dispersed (Vertovec, 2000). Also diaspora has been depicted as a ‘type of consciousnesses’, relating “aspects of collective memory, desires and awareness” across the host country and the homeland (Vertovec, 2000:7). Also, diaspora has been represented as a mode of ‘cultural reproduction’ involving “the global flow of cultural object images and meanings” (Vertovec, 2000:7).

By outlining the key concepts stated by Vertovec (2000) and other scholars about the notion of Diaspora it is important to recognize that there is an intuitive connection between migration and minority status, transnationalism, and diaspora. It should be defined what each of these categories are referring to, as well as considering how they seem to be related to socio-religious transformations. First, with migration and minority status it is depicted that migrants and minorities are involved in a transference and reconstitution of cultural and social bonds. Second, transnationalism is referred to as an incomplete exchange of money, resources and information as well as constant communication between members of a diaspora with others in the homeland and also with other people inside the globalised cultural community. Finally, diaspora, according to Vertovec (2000), refers to strong feelings and mental pictures (an imagined connection) between a ‘post migration population’ and the homeland as well as with other people elsewhere who share similar cultural bases.

By mentioning the connection between those three categories, we will now move to some examples of transnationalism and of socio-religious transformations. This example will come in the form of a Peruvian migrant who now resides in Australia, providing personal experiences in a host. These personal accounts will then be compared with other cases related to diaspora, change and migration of Peruvians in the US, other parts of South America, and Europe. This comparison will also demonstrate how social status plays an important part of the new identity of a diasporic community in different parts of the world, particularly for Peruvian diaspora. Firstly, an example of Peruvian diaspora in the US and other parts of South America, Europe and Japan will be illustrated to comprehend religious diaspora. The case will be focused on how one of the most representative religious practices from that country is negotiated between the diasporic connection to the homeland and their new identity as immigrants in the host country. It has been suggested by studies (Paerregaard, 2008) that the globalization of this religious practice is part of a strategy made by Peruvian migrants in order to be recognised in the host country as well as develop legal and political rights as immigrants.

Paerregaard (2008), who studied a specific Peruvian religious icon called El Señor de los Milagros (The Lord of Miracles), explained what the rituals and meanings are for Peruvians in their homeland. Peruvians based this icon in a procession which happened every October; this procession gathers a multitude of people united by a common desire. The hope is that the Lord will protect against disease and other accidents as well as will give them the courage and strength during their everyday lives. Most Peruvian followers have El Señor de los Milagros as a lucky charm which gives them company everywhere they go or live (Paerregaard, 2008). According to Paerregaard (2008), although there are many other religious rituals followed by Peruvians, he focused on this one due to its popularity. He also stated that three dimensions of belief in this icon have facilitated its global dispersion; these are: a) migratory dimension, b) syncretistic dimension, and c) transnational dimension (Paerregaard, 2008). These three dimensions were also mentioned by Vertovec (2000) which have also been explained (see above). In particular, the first and the third dimension demonstrate on one hand, Peruvians were forced to adapt their religious practice to the new places of settlement and change the conventional form of the institution. On the other hand, the Christian identity of the icon (El Señor de los Milagros) allowed Peruvians to “draw their existing transnational institution- the Catholic Church” (Paerregaard, 2008:1074). Furthermore, Peruvians believe that their icon has become a symbol not only for Peruanos but also for the Latin American identity as a whole. This is mainly because most Latinos come from the same religious background as well as when becoming inmigrants in a new place they also share similar difficulties in the host country.

The main idea of Paerregaard’s study (2008) on Peruvian diaspora and this particular religious sect is about the globalisation and fragmentation of this ritual. The efforts of taking this icon to a procession on the streets in many parts of the world could be seen as the “diasporic imaginary” as it has also been previously explained by Vertovec (2000). Peruvians “often picture their struggle to introduce the icon to their new places of settlement as a modern odyssey, similar to their migratory experiences” (Paerregaard, 2008:). Peruvians religious diaspora in this case has not only endeavoured to have a place in public spaces in the host countries but also tried to gain recognition as an ethnic minority (Paerregaard, 2008). In general, this particular icon depicts a vector point between ‘Lima, Peru’ and the world. This diasporic group use this to create meaning when they moved to a new social space that they do not control (Paerregaard, 2008).

The following is an account made by one female Peruvian migrant studying at the University of Queensland. Her statement summarises her experiences and what diaspora and socio-religious transformations means to her. It is important to note that her views on social-class are quite different to other Peruvian diaspora previously mentioned in this paper.

Fiorella Rosales Ugarte
I have lived in Brisbane, Australia for the past two years; I have met Peruvians with different social-economical statuses during this time. The majority of them are undergraduate and postgraduate students of major universities in Brisbane. When talking about their religious beliefs and backgrounds, most of them consider themselves as Christian-Catholics. This is not much different to the Peruvian migrants I know living in the US and other parts of South America and Europe. However, I believe social-status plays an important part within the new identities and socio-religious transformations. Even in Lima, when we talk about El senor de lo Milagros, most of the followers are among the poor, urban Peruvians. In contrast to the Peruvians in Brisbane, this icon might not have any religious or emotional impact when it comes to creating their new identities. Actually, upper social-economic classes in Brisbane seem to never encounter any struggles when we talk about desire of recognition as an ethnic minority. Those Peruvians of upper social-economic status living in Brisbane focused their religious beliefs and practices on social events between people with the same status.


She also mentioned that practices and rituals during holy week or even attendance to Sunday mass are activities that allow them meet with others like them to have that feeling of belonging to the home country. But there is no other type of religious transformation or change even when they are not in the homeland anymore. It is important to highlight that perhaps this contrast between Peruvians living in other parts of the world and the ones residing in Australia is not only for a socio-economical matter but also for a population number of migrants in each of the regions. Both groups of Peruvian diaspora from different areas in the world share the same religious background, however socio-economical statuses differ between them and therefore their socio-religious views in the host country tend to be different when it comes to hope for recognition of ethnicity or other social needs. The concepts of diaspora in relation to socio-religious practices, migration, globalisation and transnationalism have been seen through cases of Peruvian diaspora. But throughout this paper the importance of the study of religious diaspora has been reinforced since religious doctrines have not changed in some cases of diaspora. This is also the case for multi-ethnicity, as shown by the case of the Peruvian icon having an important role for both Peruvians and other South Americans.

To conclude, one of the concepts Vertovec (2000) highlighted is related to the example of the Peruvian diaspora within a different country. It is important to stress that in the case of religious diaspora, strong feelings and mental pictures between the migrants, the homeland, and other people sharing the same cultural background are put into practice by Peruvians. This connection is visible through the El Señor de los Milagros icon as well as those strong feelings that allow Peruvian migrants to keep this icon and other mental pictures from their homeland and bring them to their host country on top of sharing their religious experiences with non-Peruvians who also belong to a Christian-catholic background.

Gen Kennedy - Religious Fundamentalism

Religious Fundamentalism – Genevieve Kennedy 41747791

Religious fundamentalism is perhaps the most visible of all religious movements. Fundamentalism represents a ‘swinging back’ of the pendulum towards traditional methods, due to panic at what fundamentalists see as deteriorating morals in society. While all fundamental religions have vastly different beliefs, their reasons and justification for holding such beliefs are extremely comparable. This essay will focus on Islamic and Christian fundamentalism. Key to both Islamic and Christian fundamentalist movements is a belief in the inerrancy and literal interpretation of holy texts, which dictates the way in which a follower lives a moral life. A second similarity is the aversion of both groups to modernity. Ironically, both groups have ably used modern mass communication methods to their advantage. A final characteristic that fundamental Islam and Christianity have in common is the perception of their god’s temperament and character. While criticised widely for their lack of tolerance and extreme practices, both fundamentalist Islam and Christianity are growing movements for a number of reasons. Though these two movements have vastly different ideologies and spiritual beliefs, their way of thinking and validation for such beliefs are unexpectedly similar.


Religious fundamentalism is defined as a belief in and strict adherence to the core teachings, writings and doctrines of a particular religion. Fundamentalist movements often “emerge as a response to a perceived crisis”,(Ontario Consultants on Religious Tolerance 2001) and its adherents are generally considered to be the most conservative members of a religion. The term “fundamentalist” was first used in the 1909 series of essays, “The Fundamentals: A Testimony to the Truth”, edited by A.C Dixon. The publication “proposed five required Christian beliefs for those opposed to the Modernist movement.” (Ontario Consultants on Religious Tolerance 2001) Arguably the two best-known religious fundamental wings are that of Christianity and Islam. The activities of Christian fundamentalists are well-publicised, particularly in relation to controversial issues such as abortion and gay marriage, as well as personal morality and life after death. All beliefs are based upon a literal interpretation of and belief in the inerrancy of the bible. Fundamentalist Christianity has an extremely strong following in the United States of America, where political debate and legislation has played a crucial role in the development of the movement. This religious-political clash touched mainstream America when various Supreme Court trials were heard, concerning mandatory bible reading and the teaching of evolutionary science in schools. The movement has experienced a significant surge in the past four to five decades. (Woodhead & Heelas 2000)


Defining movements in Islam as fundamentalist is more problematic than in Christianity, given that “most believing Muslims, not just those described as Islamists or militants, are fundamentalist in the sense that they take the Koran to be the literal word of God.” (Ruthven 2007, p.40) The term Islamic fundamentalism is often used synonymously with Islamism, a movement within Islam which aims to promote Islam as both a religion and a political system, and encourages Muslims to unite to the fundamental beliefs of Islam. This includes being strong advocates of Sharia law, the legal framework of the Koran. Sharia demands harsh ‘eye-for-an-eye’ style punishments, such as the death penalty for homosexual sex. (Tatchell 1995) Islam fundamentalism is stronger in the Middle East than in any other region. Its followers are often highly critical of Western nations, which are seen to be falling into patterns of modernity, moral failure and secularism.


A core, primary feature of fundamentalism is a belief in the inerrancy and literal interpretation of holy texts. The holy text of Christianity is the Bible, with particular emphasis placed on the Old Testament, with the Koran being the holy text of Islam. While moderate adherents of the same religions also place a high value on the teachings of their holy texts, most will consider parts of the text to be metaphorical or simply outdated, particularly in Christianity. Herriot (2008, p.25) has noted that, “They [fundamentalists] believe that all they need to know is to be found in their holy book or books, and that all other claims to knowledge are to be judged in terms of their compatibility with its contents.” In this way, fundamentalists will denounce and condemn anything that is denounced by their holy text, or anything that fits outside of moral parameters dictated by the text. Another common feature of fundamentalism is the means by which a holy text is considered to be ‘holy’. In both Christianity and Islam, the texts are considered to be the direct word of God, transcribed by a devotee – in Islam’s case the prophet Muhammad, in Christianity’s, multiple disciples and other followers. In a number of cases, an entire arm of belief is based upon a single sentence or passage in a holy text. Fundamentalist may also reject members of their own religion who hold more liberal or progressive beliefs, casting them as sinful. For instance, moderate Muslims may not believe in the national and legal application of Islam Sharia law, which contains extreme penalties and has been internationally criticised as being irreconcilable with human rights legislation (Hirsch 2008) – a viewpoint which would come under heavy criticism from fundamental Muslims.


Fundamentalist Christians, perhaps more than any other religious groups, have used modern mass communication methods to their advantage. Most notably, entire television stations are devoted to evangelical and fundamental Christian broadcasting, as well as the print and radio media being utilized. Fundamentalist and extremist Muslims have also used television networks, such as Al Jazeera to spread their message to a mass audience. (Schimmel 2008)However, the modernity that allows these developments is also a source of panic and dismay for fundamentalists. Over the many centuries since Christian and Islamic holy texts were written, morality has changed significantly. In a general sense, modern society has a far greater tolerance for groups stigmatised even as little a few decades ago, and condemned by holy texts. Progressive science and technology has also impacted upon morality, with the creation and development of contraceptives and pregnancy termination technology. Basic beliefs and religious accounts of history have also been undermined by science. Schimmel (2008, p.101) has noted that, “The threats to biblical fundamentalists are real. They come from modern biblical scholarship, philosophical naturalism, cultural and moral pluralism, and the implications of the facts and theory of evolution for the fundamentalists' theological, religious-anthropological, and ethical worldviews.” (p.102) A key example of science destabilizing a Christian fundamentalist belief concerns the account of creation and age of the universe. Given that fundamentalist Christians see the bible as “inerrant and infallible” (Schimmel 2008, p.4), the biblical account of God creating the world in seven days less than ten thousand years ago is accepted as fact. However, in the mid-19th century, evolutionary theory was published, and sixty years later, the Big Bang theory was presented, both of which entirely contradicted the biblical creation account. Today, these theories are accepted by most of society, perhaps legitimising a common fundamentalist fear that “the process of modernisation leads inevitably to secularism, which is irretrievably reducing traditional religious affiliation, as modern people no longer feel the need for supernatural explanations.” (Herriot 2008, p.22)


In many cases, particularly in relation to modern change, fundamentalists create and engage in condemnation of an ‘other’, both to demonstrate adherence to their holy text, as well as to solidify unity within their group. The process of ‘othering’ is often demonstrated by groups wishing to degrade and debase those who do not fit in with their group’s ideology or identity. By doing this, fundamentalist Muslims and Christians emphasize their commitment to desirable traits, qualities and lifestyles that are supported by their holy texts. (Schimmel 2008) A key example of this process is in the case of fundamentalist Christians rejecting homosexuals. Such Christians assert that the bible dictates homosexuality to be unnatural, sinful and an “abomination”. To further the process of othering, fundamentalist Christians may publically protest against legal and social advancements of homosexual rights. Extreme fundamentalists, such as members of the Westboro Baptist Church, have engaged in this method to the degree that the Church condemns entire countries for their position on homosexual rights. Fundamentalist Muslims also engage in othering; however the process takes a different form – often through Sharia or jihad. (Ruthven 2007)


Each religion differs in its view of God, whether by name, type of entity, gender, traits, and whether they worship one or several Gods. However, fundamentalist religions, specifically Islam and Christianity, hold a similar view of the character and temperament of their respective Gods. Christianity, particularly, has an extremely broad range of beliefs concerning the character of God. Moderate Christians of nearly all denominations depict their God as a loving, affectionate father figure, devoted to the wellbeing and faith of his humans – Christian and non-Christian alike. “Jesus/God loves you” is a common message, and emphasised from an early age in the Christian church. Fundamentalist believers, however, see God as a punishing, and in some cases vindictive figure. God sends punishment for sinning – key to a fundamentalist claim that AIDS (Acquired Immune Deficiency Syndrome) is God’s punishment for homosexuals. Promoting this claim, Jerry Falwell, a fundamentalist Christian preacher, has said, "AIDS is not just God's punishment for homosexuals; it is God's punishment for the society that tolerates homosexuals." (Applebome 2007) The notion of hell, an eternal post-death punishment for sinners. is strongly emphasised.


Many of Allah’s characteristics are comparable to the God of Christianity, such as an eternal presence, omniscience and omnipotence. Similarly, a significant part of fundamental Islamic teaching regarding morality is based upon punishments that will be delivered by Allah should the Koran be disobeyed. Allah is often depicted as a fair and just judge, delivering punishments and rewards both on earth and in the afterlife. (Human Characteristics Ascribed to Allah 2009) It must be noted, however, that this teaching is typical of all levels of Islamic belief, and is not restricted to the fundamentalist movement. Few Muslims would perceive Allah as a brother- or father-figure or confidante. Both fundamentalist Christianity and Islam believe that being a follower of a religion outside their own is a mortal sin, and will result in eternal post-death punishment by their god. (Schimmel 2008)


Fundamentalism has emerged as a relatively popular form of religious movement and expression. Evangelical Christian denominations, which back several fundamentalist beliefs, have seen a significant worldwide growth, particularly among youth and third world nations. These demographics can respectively be attributed to such churches embracing popular culture targeted at youth, and missionary work in regions such as Central Africa and South America. (Geering 2008) A changing morality and quick advance of secularism in society has also contributed to a resurgence of fundamentalist movements, as noted earlier in the essay. Modernity is met by apprehension, and in many cases, sheer panic by fundamentalists. It is for this reason that followers attempt to return to the core, traditional beliefs of their religion. Indeed, the condemnation of the ethical progression in society is so great that a key goal of the fundamentalist movement is to have their beliefs as the basis of their nations’ political-legal system. The rise in popularity of fundamentalist religion may also be somewhat of an ‘all-or-nothing’ attitude by born-again believers, who feel passionate about a holistic religion. (Hood, Hill & Williamson 2005)
Fundamentalists of all religious traditions regard their religion to be the central tenet of their lives, and often believe that their religion should concern not just their own personal spirituality, but the politics of their nation. This is an accurate view of the fundamentalist religious traditions of Islam and Christianity. In spite of holding vastly differing worldviews, the movements share a number of other characteristics, which Ruthven describes as “preconditions of ‘fundamentalism’, defining characteristics in all traditions.” (2007, p.52) This includes an absolute belief in the inerrancy and literal interpretation of respective holy texts, a fear and rejection of modernity and changing moral codes within wider society, and the perception of their respective gods as punishing and threatening. Despite a number of ironies within their belief system, both fundamentalist Christianity and Islam have experienced a rise in popularity, in conjunction with significant media coverage, both positive and negative. Adherents of fundamentalism, while each believing that theirs is the one true path, have extremely similar reasons and justifications for their beliefs, attitudes and ideologies.



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Religions in Japanese Society

By: Tomoko Nawata

Introduction

“Are you a Buddhist?” “What is your religion?” These kinds of questions always trouble me to answer. I guess many Japanese people have difficulties in replying when they are asked about their religious attitude, except those who practice religion based on monotheism. There are quite a few numbers of temples and shrines in Japan. Does this mean Japan is a religious country and religions have strong effects to the society? Japan grew up its indigenous religion and took various religions from outside in its history and this had strong impact on the society. In this essay, I will give brief history and explanation of major religions in Japan, and then describe how they have affected the society today.

Brief history of religions in Japan

Shinto is the only major religion which is rooted in Japan (Earhart 2004, 31). Shinto is based on worship of ancestors, matsuri (festival) for thanksgiving of the harvest and so on.(Kokugakuin University 2009) Shinto means “The Way to Kami (deities).” It was developed from local cults which can be observed throughout Japan and should be considered as a religion based on the collection of local tradition. In fact, this indigenous religion was named Shinto after the arrival of Buddhism to tell native religion from imported religions. Affected by highly systemised Buddhism, Shinto began being systemised after the arrival of Buddhism (Hearn 1966, 194), (Clarke 2009, 133-34). In the Tokugawa period, the shogunate conducted control of the religions. Shinto was assigned to perform court ritual and related rites, few Shinto shrines perform funeral ceremony. After the Meiji Restoration in 1868, the Meiji government promoted the separation of Shinto and Buddhism and aimed to be a Shinto centred sate. In other words, Shinto and Buddhism were not highly distinguished until the Meiji era, although institutionalisation was over a long time (Kokugakuin University 2009). Shinto became a national religion but it was Imperial Shinto that was assigned to be a national religion. Shrine Shinto experienced a period of time when the Meiji government did not admit it was a religion (Kimura 2003, 4).

Buddhism was found in India. It arrived in Japan all the way from India through several Asian countries, so it had already changed its form when it entered Japan. Both Theravada and Mahayana Buddhism were introduced to Japan but only Mahayana was accepted by the Japanese society. Korea brought Buddhism in the middle of the sixth century. At first, Buddhism had a conflict with Shinto. However, Buddhism gradually accepted by aristocrats, the imperial court and the state but it was not popularised among ordinary people. In Nara period, Emperor Shomu, one of the most devoted emperors, built a main temple known as Todai-ji (Todai temple) and temples in every province to ensure the country’s peace. Buddhism played a role in the state religion. After Heian period, Buddhism began separating into several denominations. In Tokugawa period, the shogunate aimed to unify the country. Tokugawa believed that the national religion is inevitable in doing so. Under this policy, Christianity which entered Japan in the middle of sixteen century was prohibited and all the citizens were forced to become the supporter of local Buddhist temples. Buddhist temple was allocated as a place for registration of life’s main event, such as birth, death and marriage. After the Meiji restoration, Shinto took the place of the state religion (Earhart 2004, 41-46, 98-99, 146).

Confucianism and Taoism are said to be brought from China with the Chinese culture during the same time as the arrival of Buddhism. The Chinese ancient thoughts and practices were the foundations for both Confucianism and Taoism and therefore they have similar characteristics within each other. They are based on Chinese cosmological ideas, for instance, the way of universe. Confucianism emphasises on political or social order and practicing rites for ancestors and personal virtues. Taoism focuses on natural order and mystical performance such as divination (Earhart 2004, 52-53).

The advent of the Japanese state system was brought about by Confucianism. A constitution made by Shotoku was mainly composed of Confucian ideology. Confucianism had been thriving as an ethic, not as a religion throughout the Japanese history. After the end of the Pacific War, Confucianism disappeared from the educational field, because it did not match the new notion of democracy (Earhart 2004, 53-56, 62). Although Confucianism weakened its impact on the society, but Confucianism ideology still can be observed in contemporary Japan.

Taoism’s definition is ambiguous because it has philosophical and religious properties and also has close tie with court rituals and Chinese popular practices. When all of these aspects were considered as a Taoist thought, many Japanese cultural aspects owe to Taoism. Among Taoist ideology, Chinese traditional thinking influenced the Japanese culture the most. Taoism was firstly taken up among prominent families and then gradually diffused into the society. Onmyoryo (onmyo means yin-yang in Japanese) or Bureau of Divination was introduced in Nara period, imitating Chinese court, but it did not last for a long time. In Heian period, Taoism influenced Shinto and Buddhism, and shared a lot of thoughts with them. Consequently, Taoism lost its own ideology. Taoism could not stay as an organised religion, however its aspect of Chinese ancient thought became an indispensable part of Japanese culture (Earhart 2004, 56-62).

After the war, the separation of religion and politics took place. No religion could exist as a state religion any longer and every citizen had their freedom in choosing his/her religion (Anesaki 1961, 99-102). After the enforcement of the law, religions, especially Shinto and Confucianism weakened their impact on the society due to the rapid modernisation after the end of the war.

Religions and Japanese society

“The whole is greater than the sum of its parts (Earhart 2004, 3).” This explains religion in the Japanese society appropriately. Religions in Japan had developed in a process of mutual interaction, and have coexisted. The reason why several religions can coexist is that they do not have conflicting doctrines within each other and play their roles in different fields. Shinto is responsible for the solidarity of the community, striving for community peace, while Buddhist priests cope with the performing of ritual for ancestors, helping the adherent to deal with the sorrow of losing their family member and so forth (Morioka 1975, 5-6). In 2001, the Religion Yellowbook published by the Ministry of Cultural Affairs showed 85percent of Japanese are considered to be Shinto followers and 75percent to be Buddhists (Kimura 2003, 2). That is to say, many Japanese are counted as both Shinto and Buddhist. Many of those who practice Shinto and Buddhism at the same time have both Butsudan (Buddhist alter) and kamidana (household shrine) in their home (Morioka 1975, 7). The contemporary coexistence of Shinto and Buddhism is mainly due to the control over religions by Tokugawa Shogunate, which strongly affected the situation of religions in contemporary Japan. According to Kimura, both Shinto and Buddhism were adopted as state religions, and under the process both of them were highly systemised, which might diminish the faith of Japanese people (Kimura 2003, 4).

Shinto’s most striking role now is several kinds of worship. New Year’s Worship is the biggest one among them. Quite a fem number of the Japanese visit the shrine to make New Year’s wishing (Clarke 2009, 133-34). There are many famous festivals related to the Shinto, such as the Coming-of-age ceremony, Doll’s festival, Boy’s festival, Shichigosan (a festival for boys of three and five years old and girls for three and seven years old) and Miyamairi (to take new-born baby to the shrine). There festivals are to pray for or appreciate healthy growing-up of children or to cerebrate becoming an adult. Apart from these seasonal or periodic wishing, many Japanese come to the shrine to pray for recovery from disease or success the entrance exam (Web Dream 2009), (Clarke 2009, 135). Matsuri is also one of the Shinto styles of worship. This is to wish the harvest or to ensure the peaceful community. Nowadays, however, few people are engaged in agriculture, so the latter is more emphasised (Yanagawa 1988, 152-53).

In the present day, the most important role of Buddhism is to perform a funeral of the dead and the memorial rite to ancestors. As mentioned, every Japanese citizen must have to be the adherents of local Buddhist temple in Tokugawa period. A large proportion of them still remain Buddhist by name. Therefore most of adherent’s household ask the Buddhist priest for performing rituals for the deceased family members. Buddhist temple has a role of helping people in need by teaching of Buddhism, which is regarded the most important task for the Buddhist priest. But general Japanese people do not take part in Buddhist worship unless they attend funeral service or memorials rite for their ancestors once in a several years (Clarke 2009, 137).

Confucianism had affected Japan for a long time. There might be few people who consider themselves as a Confucian. However, many teachings of Confucianism were taken into Japanese morality or ethics. In the Meiji period, there was ie (family) system which was based on the Confucian idea. Under this system, the father had absolute control on the family; wife and children must have to obey him and continuing their family line is an important task for the family. This is influenced by the idea of filial piety and reverence for ancestors. The Japanese work ethic also has strong influence of Confucianism. Although this ie system was abolished after the war, it is still accepted by some people, generally the older generation (Woronoff 1997, 121-22).

Taoism could not flourish as an institutional religion but gave huge impact on the Japanese culture. As mentioned, the aspect of Chinese ancient thought rooted the society. Chinese calendar is the most widespread culture related to Taoism. There is lucky day and unlucky day based on the cosmological theory. These lucky or unlucky days are written on many calendars in Japan. Some Japanese people take it into consideration regarding when to get married, have funeral or memorial service or even when to go to travel. Feng shui is also the custom based on yin-yang idea and five phases. There are lucky and unlucky directions like the calendar. Some people apply this custom when they built their houses or arranging in buildings (Earhart 2004, 58-59).

Conclusion

Several religions have coexisted in Japan from ancient times. Through the history, many leaders adopted various religions as state religion in order to unify the country. Tokugawa period had massive impact on het religions in contemporary Japan. Shinto and Buddhism are the most major religions for a long time, but the state policies made the Japanese less interested in religions. On the contrary, many Japanese people still participate in worship or festival related to Shinto. While Shinto is responsible for praying or wishing, Buddhism’s most significant role is to perform funeral and associated rites. Apart from institutional religion, Confucianism and Taoism contributed a lot to the Japanese culture. Confucianism still has significant role in the Japanese society, such as ensuring social order. Taoist mythical aspects fitted into Japanese culture. Ordinary Japanese citizen would not feel that they are deeply involved in religions and many rituals, ceremonies or festivals which have been secularised. However religious-related worship or rites might continue to thrive as a part of the Japanese culture.

REFERENCE LIST

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Earhart, H. Byron. 2004. Japanese Religion: Unity and Diversity. Calif.: Wadsworth.

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Kokugakuin University. Encyclopedia of Shinto. http://eos.kokugakuin.ac.jp/modules/xwords/

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Woronoff, Jon. 1997. The Japanese Social Crisis. Hampshire: Macmillan Press; N.Y.: St. Martin's Press.