Is Religion a Sport? by Hannah Hafso

Are Sports a Religion? Or a Religious Outlet?

The definition of religion is ambiguous and continually evolving, it is a term that not all scholars can agree upon. This allows for physical activity, in particular sports, to be argued as a religion itself. To distinguish what constitutes as a religion is based on one’s perception and individual interpretation of its description. Charles Prebish, known among academics as the one of the founding fathers of religion, describes it as “the experience of ultimate reality that radically changes the individual” (Prebish 68). According to Prebish’s definition, sports can legitimately be categorized as a religion, for they provide an arena for individuals to experience altered states of consciousness that can dramatically impact the athletes. Sports and religion have been compared extensively on the basis on shared characteristics, such as: stadiums and churches, congregations and fans, even flags and holy symbols. Although these similarities support the concept that sports have been able to imitate the characteristics of religion, it is important to analyze the spiritual and emotional qualities that these two entities have in common. Mystical experiences, where one transcends time and space, have been a prominent feature for many religions. These moments are often described as an encounter with a higher power or Supreme Being. Similarly, thousands of athletes have given testimony to similar occurrences often referred to as “flow” experiences (Higdon 66). The ability for physical activity to evoke such spiritual experiences probes one to question whether sports are in fact separate from religion, or merely an alternative outlet to reach God.

DEFINITION OF RELIGION:

To put mankind’s beliefs and values into a set of confines is a near impossible task, which is why there is presently no single unanimously established definition of religion. This has not prevented scholars and academics from publishing what they feel characterize the term. In the same regard, “there is no universally accepted definition of sportspersonship” (Weinberg and Gould 526). Both terms have been described in numerous and diverse contexts, enabling sports to genuinely qualify as a religion. French sociologist, Emile Durkhiem, believes religion is a “unified system of beliefs and practices relative to sacred thing” (Reich). One could argue that the obligatory rules and valued sportspersonship associated with games would fall into her description. Sportspersonship, according to Shields and Bredemeier, involves ambition for victory that is controlled by commitment to the play spirit, that allows ethical standards to overrule when the two may conflict (15). That is, one’s sportspersonship has to do with their values and actions’ concerning what is ethical and moral in sport. In contrast, Clifford Geertz’s understanding of religion is that it is a “system of symbols which establish powerful moods and motivations in men, by formulating conceptions of a general order of existence” (Reich). Sporting teams and games have many symbols, from flags, mascots, logos etc., all of which are used by fans to reflect their commitment to a specific team. Furthermore, author of The Invisible Religion, Thomas Luckman definition of religion “to be what humans do when they are being fully human” (Luckman 12) allows for numerous interpretations of what activities this includes. It is evident that there is a range of what religion is alleged to be, and many of the acknowledged definitions allow for sport to easily fall within there classifications.

PEAK EXPERIENCE:

Through personal revelations and impacting moments that individual’s may contribute their faith to. Abraham Maslow describes these events as peak experiences, where one temporarily undergoes an altered state of consciousness leaving them in awe and intimately connected to a supreme being (Guiley 438). In Christianity, transcendence and altered states of consciousness are often referred to as being “slain in the spirit” or receiving “gifts” from the Holy Spirit (Sweasey 22). The undeniable physical experience becomes the testament for faith in a Higher Power. Various methods, such as: meditation, chanting, fasting and prayer have traditionally been accepted as religious activity resulting in “peak experiences”. These events confront individuals with the unknown, and those who are religious usually attribute the force to God or a Supreme Being. Mystical experiences are characterized by feelings of awe and ecstasy, a supernatural quality, overwhelming nature and uncontrollable (Higgs and Braswell 190). Peak experiences are personal events that have the ability to confirm one’s faith or convert them into a believer.

MYSTIC EXPERIENCES IN SPORT:

Sinking the winning goal as the buzzer blares or flying through the air to defend the net, there are moments in sports that words fail to adequately articulate the passion, desire and intensity. Acts which demonstrates extreme strength and grace, the athlete appears as if they are “super human”. Science informs one that during physical activity individuals secrete large quantities of endorphins, adrenaline and serotonin; hormones that make allow one to feel happy and at times invincible. Though hormones may play apart many believe that some moments in sport are due to a much higher source, one that cannot be identified in the laboratory.

Mystical moments, refereed to as peak experiences for the religious can occur outside of the church, but often go by different names. It is not pedestrian knowledge that “sport has enormous power to sweep us beyond the ordinary sense of self, to evoke capacities that generally have been regarded as mystical, occult, or religious” (Murphy and White 5). In the sporting community these experiences are caused when athletes are in the flow state (Weinberg et al. 144). Csikszentmihalyi, the founder of this concept, has found the prominent features of the experience are: a heightened sense of control and awareness, transiency, transformation of time and numinous feelings, such as bliss, euphoria and awe. His work includes thousands of testimonies from athletes who have been in the flow state. Patsy Neal’s recollection of the WNBA finals clearly exhibits sports spiritual nature, “call it a state of grace, or an act of God. It is there and the impossible becomes possible... The athlete goes beyond herself; she transcends the natural. She touches a piece of heaven and becomes the recipient of power from an unknown source” (Higdon 68). The publication of spiritual phenomena in sports provide evidence that athletics can grant the same type of mystical experience that are revered in traditional religions (Higgs and Braswell 189). Personal recollections of flow state experiences help to support the argument that sports are an outlet for spiritual connection.

RUNNERS HIGH:

A vast array of physical activities have been shown to evoke a transcendent experience, running in particular has become notorious for its spiritual nature. Running has exhibited the ability to produce a unique flow state, coined as the “runner’s high”. When asked to describe the experience, runners say it is a positive psychological state where ones feel euphoria, relaxed and that their movements are effortless (Weinberg et al. 394). From one particular runner, the occurance was an event where “the only sensation was the rhythm and the beat, all perfectly natural, all and everything part of everything else... it was magic. I cried tears of joy and sorrow, joy for being alive and sorrow for being unable to give this experience to anyone” (Spino 222). Researchers have found this experience to occur among 78% of runners, with 49% claiming that the event was “spiritual in nature” (Lilliefors). These examples establish the concept that running can be an authentic channel for one to have a spiritual experience. The “runners high” demonstrates that when one is at their limits for physical exertion and cognitive functioning, the doors to “infinite realms of perception and being” are opened (Weinberg et al. 395).In both theology and in sports, it is said that “the spirit moveth and maketh anew; thus to be “born again” means not a retreat into contemplative life but a call to action, perhaps even a run” (Higgs and Braswell 183). Despite the evidence that indicates sports as a legitimate form of religion or religious experiences, there are still those who strongly oppose this concept.

COUNTER ARGUMENT:

If sports are to constitute as a religion, where will the boundary be drawn between the holy and secular? Those who disagree with sport as a religion argue that “when nearly everything becomes a religion what happens to religion itself and the idea of sacred” (Higgs and Braswell 161). The argument against sports as an authentic religion lies on the fact that it would blur the boundary between all human endeavours and religion more than it presently is. Higgs and Braswell “play devil’s advocate by arguing that the psychic experiences recorded by most athletes are really no more “uncanny” than the phenomenon of coincidence and certainly not of holy order” (198). Additionally, it is suggested that peak experiences in traditional religions differ from athletes in the flow state due to the purposes of the event. Transcendence during physical activity is for the purpose of ultimacy, “as in transformation of the world through unceasing devotion to a cause”, while religious individuals seek intimacy, “a deeper knowledge of a personal God through private meditation” (Higgs and Braswell 188). Religion is subjective, in that the beliefs, values and role vary depending on the individual. For this reason, many athletes may not attribute their success or performance during a “flow state” to a higher power or as a spiritual moment. This bias not only influences the athlete but also the researcher, for “personal perspective on religion may affect how one interprets the religious experiences reported by others” (Higdon 65). For these reasons, sport in some individual’s opinion does not qualify as a religion or have the ability to produce spiritual experiences.

PERSPECTIVE:

For those who enter and exit their house of worship the same individual, there beliefs become a source of identity. When one’s spiritual values are their identity they influence their daily life. This is considered “lived religion” “described as religion that is negotiated, adjusted, and tweaked into a form that can be 'lived', on the ground, as opposed to in books” (Hall). Thus as a believer and a sports enthusiast, one can experience mystical experiences and may attribute them to God. Indicating that sports may have all of the equivalents of religion, but it may not be justified as being a religion itself. That being said, for some fans and individuals highly involved in the sports community it may fulfill the role that religion has traditionally played. It is more appropriate to view sports as a ritual rather than a religion, doing the same actions in the same setting and atmosphere. To some these rituals may be sacred and spiritual, but these perspectives can lead to reifying sports to the degree in which the evidence supports the hypothesis. Despite this, scholars have found that “athletes describe self-transcendent experiences using ‘religious and spiritual metaphors’ that seem to point to a supernatural origin” (Watson 95). It becomes a matter of perspective; one can commonly support their argument when they are only focusing on agreeing evidence. Sports are a vehicle for experiencing the mystical dimensions on life (Watson 95), although they are not a religion themselves.

CONCLUSION:

Both religion and sport have had the ability to influence many aspects of ones life. They have been compared to such a degree that some may argue that sports is a form of religion. Due to the lack of a single universally accepted definition of religion, the distinguishing characteristics of the term vary according to the source. For this reason, sport successfully fulfills the requirements of several published definitions. Not all may accept that sport is a religion itself, but there are thousands of individuals who will give testament of having a spiritual event while participant in physical activity. Maslow’s peak experience, a moment where one has an altered state of consciousness and finds themselves confronted with the Holy One, parallels Csikszentmihalyi’s flow state in athletes. The striking similarity of the experience by those playing sport and those in a church force one to question how one can be distinguished from the other. Athletes and religious individuals both have had moments where time and space are transcendent, where they are in a state of awe and wonder and movements are effortless. The latter group will most likely attribute these events to an encounter with God, but it does not indicate that athletes have not had the same encounter. Instead of viewing sports and religion as two separate entities, it is more appropriate that sports can be an outlet for religious experience. One cannot limit the Almighty by setting constraints on what, when and how he will reach people, for who knows, maybe God wants to play ball too.

Works Cited

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Sweasey, Peter. From Queer to Eternity : Spirituality in the lives of Lesbian, Gay and Bisexual people. London: Cassell, 1997.

Watson, Nick J. "Nature and Transcendence: the mystical and cublime in extreme sports." Parry, Jim, et al. Sport and Spirituality: an introduction. New York: Routledge, 2007. 95-110.

Weinberg, Robert S and Daniel Gould. Foundations of Sport & Exercise Psychology. Lower Mitcham: Human Kinetics, 2003.

Sport as Religion

by: Brittney Block

This essay will delve into the twining topics of sport and religion. This essay will focus on how sport is seen as religion, but will also show the challenges with this theory.

David Chidester, a religious theorist, suggested that ‘the very definition of religion continues to be contested in American popular culture.’ This is especially seen in the area of sport. Many Americans deem that sports are their religion. Mainstream religions, such as Southern Baptists, would argue with the previous statement stating that ‘sports cannot be considered a religion because there is no belief in God’ (Higgs and Braswell 2002). However, this brings up the controversy with the definition of religion. What is it? There is no universally accepted definition. So who is in control of deciding what a religion is and what isn’t? It certainly cannot be put into the hands of any religious hierarchy; their definitions would be so narrowly focused that only their religion would be true. So who gets to define something that is deemed ‘indefinable’? Does a religion have to be about a belief in something intangible? This essay will discuss how sport is a religion based on the ideas of civil religion and the imagined community.

DEFINITION OF RELIGION:
In order to establish whether or not sport is religion, it is important to define what religion is and see if sport fits the criteria. This would be fairly simple if a single definition of religion existed; unfortunately there is no universally accepted definition. Many dictionaries, such as The Concise Oxford Dictionary (1990), Merriam-Webster’s Online Dictionary, and Webster’s New World Dictionary (Third College Edition), all contain different definitions, and major theorists all have their own ideas of what religion is (Robinson 2007).
Emile Durkheim, a French sociologist, attempted to define religion in his book The Elementary Forms of Religious Life (1912). Durkheim believed that society was religion and that “religion affected the establishment of society to such a degree that the two were inseparable.” (Breaux) Durkheim proposed this definition:
“A religion is a unified system of beliefs and practices relative to sacred things, that is to say, things set apart and forbidden beliefs and practices which unite into one single moral
community called a Church, all those who adhere to them.” (Breaux)
Durkheim “observed that being religious in this broad sense refers not to a matter of personal choice but to a fundamental human drive to make sense out of reality.” (Geothals 1986) That being “religious” was more about answering “What is real to me and others?" and "What do we value?" Rather than “What must I do to be saved?” (Geothals 1986)
Durkheim was also preoccupied with the idea of “collective consciousness.” Collective consciousness (as used by Durkheim) is the idea that “religion played an important role in uniting members through the creation of a common consciousness.” (The Division Labor in Society)
With the idea of collective consciousness in mind, it is easy to see how sport is religion. Collective consciousness “describes the impact of ecstatic communal worship.” (Kant 2006) This is seen throughout the sporting world. It is mainly evident when sports fans unite as one and riot for a common goal. One can hear the worship whilst attending a sporting event; the stadium will roar with the sound of communal worship. Durkheim also states how collective consciousness “unleashes passions in the crowd.” (Kant 2006) This can be seen by fans in almost every sport. The passion that a fan feels is intangible, the ecstasy running through their veins; it is often this kind of passion that leads to “outlandish behaviour” (Kant 2006)

CIVIL RELIGION
Jean Jacque Rousseau coined the phrase “civil religion” in his essay The Social Contract. (Bellah 1976) The idea of civil religion is that religion can be seen/expressed in areas that are not necessarily deemed religious. Civil religion can be defined as:
“…the existence of God, the life to come, the reward of virtue and the punishment of vice, and the exclusion of religious intolerance. All other religious opinions are outside the cognizance of the state and may be freely held by citizens.” (8)
It was American sociologist Robert Bellah that took the idea of civil religion and applied it to America. In the opening of his controversial article Civil Religion in America (1967), Bellah stated the following:
“While some have argued that Christianity is the national faith, and others that church and synagogue celebrate only the generalized religion of “the American Way of Life,” few have realized that there actually exists alongside of and rather clearly differentiated from the churches an elaborate and well -institutionalized civil religion in America.” (Bellah 1967)
Bellah further explains how Americans put their faith and religion into their everyday lives and are not even aware of it. He believes that with the idea of civil religion, religious beliefs can be expressed in other aspects of life. (Bellah 1967) He goes on to say how it is “… a collection of beliefs, symbols, and rituals with respect to sacred things…” (Bellah 1967) In simpler terms, civil religion is having beliefs, values and practices in something that one deems as sacred; something that one puts complete faith into.
This kind of religion is easy to see in the sports world. Many sports teams have certain practices and rituals that are known only to them. Many fans put their complete faith into their favorite sports teams; treating each game as if it was a sacred ritual. The symbols for this kind of religion are obvious: mascots or emblems. Each team is given a symbol that is universally known, but only the fans know the true meaning of them. Upon seeing their particular symbol, it provokes their inner passion and brings about their true feelings for their team. James A. Mathisen, a sociologist at Wheaton College, compares the symbols found in the halls of fame to the remembrance of saints that have passed on. He states that halls of fame:
“…preserve the sacred symbols and memorabilia which encourage us to rehearse the contributions of the saints who have moved on…sacred writings and the historical accounts of any religious group, providing a timeless, normative guide by which later disciples’ accomplishments are judge.” (Buursma 1987)

An example of civil religion is seen with Canada and hockey. For Canadians, hockey is their religion. Everything they do is centered on hockey. From what clothing they wear, to what tattoos they put on their bodies; to them, hockey is everything. As a hockey fan, they feel certain connectivity with other fans of the same team. They form rallies and hold parades and act as one unified community. When they meet someone who has faith in the same team, they have an instant connection. Thousands are seen worshipping for one particular deity, all trying to help their team in pursuit of the most sacred Holy Grail: the Stanley Cup. (Kant 2006)


IMAGINED COMMUNITY
Benedict Anderson proposed a theory on the idea of the imagined community. Imagined community is “…a community socially constructed, which is to say imagined by the people who perceive themselves as part of that group.” (Wikipedia Definition) Anderson (1991) explains this notion of the imagined community in terms of nationalism. He suggests that nationalism is an imagined community because people feel as if they belong to this larger community; where they feel comradery with those around them; they feel united as a whole, and even though they have a common goal or belief, their community is imagined. There is no face-to-face contact with most others in their community; and, according to Anderson (1991), “…the members of even the smallest nation will never know most of their fellow-members, meet them, or even hear of them, yet in the minds of each lives the image of their communion.”(Zuelow 1983)
These communities are formed on the basis of shared experiences. Most members have had similar experiences and therefore find it easier to identify with those who can empathize with them. Many similar experiences can be seen in the sporting world; these experiences create ever-binding bonds of community. Janet Lever stated in her 1983 study Soccer Madness that “…sport fosters a sense of identification with the others who shared the experience.” (Buursma 1987)
A prime example of this kind of community is seen during the Olympics. The Olympics are a chance for nations to come together and form one unified state; to cheer on the athletes of those that come from their same community. Even though most people have no idea what is going on in the sport, they feel they have an obligation towards their nation; they feel they have to have a certain faith and belief in each and every athlete simply because they are from the same community. The community shares similar experiences while watching the Olympic games; each experiencing the same high’s and low’s that come with the games. For some, the experience may be deeper, more profound, but nonetheless, the community comes together in the same common belief: to cheer on their nation to victory.

CHALLENGES TO SPORT AS RELIGION
There are many who would argue against the belief that sport is a religion of any kind. First off, (primarily) religion does not condone violence as an everyday practice. But as seen in the sports world, violence is everywhere. This brings up the argument of the ethical concerns and values of sport. What are they in the sports world? In one of America’s favorite sports, football, violence is promoted. The violent feeling that surrounds the stadium is almost palpable the day of a game. Players cannot wait to get out onto the field so they can crush their opponent. Spike said it best in the popular American movie Little Giants (1994) after tackling his opponent, “No Mercy!” Isn’t that the exact opposite of what religion is all about?
Second, sport is all about creating a division between one sports team and the next. There is no unity; there is only the attitude of “my team is the best team.” There is this same attitude in religion, of course, but not within the same religion. For example, the Green Bay Packers have a major rivalry with the Minnesota Vikings. Both of these sports teams are part of the Nation Football League and plenty of fans would state that football is their religion. So why, on the day of the game between the Packers and Vikings, is there animosity all around?
Third, the sport culture is all about winning vs. losing. The winners are treated as gods, while those who have lost are treated as if they have failed. This forces the idea of perfection onto sport, something that is impossible to achieve. Sport is all about perfection; perfecting the way one throws a football or perfecting the way ones toe points during a double pirouette. But religion isn’t about finding perfection. In most religions, we are striving to serve something more powerful than ourselves; trying to find what it is that calls us to this earth. Religion is also realizing that faults are what make us human. This idea is seen in Christianity by the use of confession. Carnegie Samuel Calian argues that
“…the confession of sins is the confession of human failings, helping us to maintain our perspective. God does not expect perfection, nor does he demand winners… God knows that we are not perfect; everyone’s life is tainted with failure.” (Calian 1979)
As athletes are striving for perfection, the fans believe that they are perfect. Athletes become this “god-like” role model, and the fans believe that they can do no wrong. Reverend David Tyndall states it best saying: “… people aren’t perfect…they’ve put others up there thinking, ‘Isn’t this person wonderful and I can gain some meaning by following this team or following this person’, and then the person fails and they are betrayed…” (Collins 2002)
Lastly, many who claim that sport is their religion also claim they have a fundamental religious background; meaning they also have faith in Judaism, Christianity, Islam, etc. This brings up to the topic of polytheism. Most major religions are monotheistic religions, meaning having a belief in only one god. This argument also brings up the fact that many athletes claim to have God on their side. Many experts would suggest that this belief is just wrong, that God has better things to do than pick sides in a sporting match. (*)


SUPER BOWL: RELIGIOUS FESTIVITY
There is nothing quite like Super Bowl Sunday in America. It is the event in which dedicated fans wait for all year; the day their fate is decided. Those who aren’t even fans of football participate, making Super Bowl Sunday the most watched day in all of television. It is “…a Sabbath-day event that will bring thousands to a contemporary cathedral – and tens of millions more via television – to watch gridiron gladiators who call on God’s help for their success.” (‘Gods and Games’ 2005) The Super Bowl has turned into a major religious festivity. The rituals that are now performed are something straight out of ancient Greece; honouring the gods of the sport. Joseph Price (1984) notes, “The innate religious orientation of the Super Bowl was indicated first by the ritual of remembrance of ‘heroes of the faith who have gone before’… pregame show personalities from each team were portrayed as superheroes, as demigods…” (Price 1984) The game itself is seen as a religious conquest. Price (1984) describes the Super Bowl as this:
“The object of the game is the conquest of territory. The football team invades foreign land, traverses it completely, and completes the conquest by settling in the end zone. The goal is to carry the ritual object, the football, into the most hallowed area belonging to the opponent, his inmost sanctuary. There, and only there, can the ritual object touch the earth without incurring some sort of penalty, such as the stoppage of play or the loss of yardage.” (Price 1984)
The winners of the Super Bowl are seen as immortals; conquering the test and taking what belongs to them. Many religious phrases are given to the Super Bowl, such as when an under-dog team wins it is deemed the event in which David beat Goliath. Price (1984) also noted how the game is seen as an apotheosis, elevating it to the rank of God. The practice, the values, the beliefs in this one game make it the most religious festivity in the sport world; because after all, it is no ordinary game it is the Super Bowl.

CONCLUSION
Sport as religion is powerful. It gives a sense of belonging to something that is seen as greater than mankind, a feeling of self-worth, and the worship that is practiced is unlike any other. The feeling of sitting in a crowded stadium with thousands who worship the same as you is an unexplainable feeling. The ecstasy that builds up inside is something that words cannot even begin to describe. There are many who fight against sport as religion, but how can they? Sport has endless amounts of believers, followers who take pilgrimages to their favorite stadiums to see their gods first hand, and a faith that is so strong, that leaves fans weak at their knees. Sport is religion.




References:

Bellah, Robert N. "Civil Religion in America." Journal of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences 96 (1967): 1-21.

Bianchi, Eugene C. "The Super Bowl Culture of Male Violence." Christian Century 18 Sept. 1974. 2 June 2009 .

Breaux, Jarred J. "Durkheim's definition of religion, sacred, and rituals." Learn What You Need, Share What You Know. 2 June 2009 .

Buursma, Bruce. "Are Sports America's Religion?" Philosophy and Religion. 1987. 2 June 2009 .

Calian, Carnegie S. "Theologizing in a Win/Lose Culture." Christian Century 10 Oct. 1979. 2 June 2009 .

Collins, Paul. "Sunday Spectrum." Sport. ABC. 16 June 2002. Sunday Spectrum - ABC TV Religion. 16 June 2002. 2 June 2009 .

Demarco, Donald. "Sports and Religion." America's 'most complete' Catholic Newsweekly. Oct. 2007. 2 June 2009 .

Geothals, Gregor. "TV Faith: Rituals of Secular LIfe." Christian Century 23 Apr. 1986. 2 June 2009 .

"Gods and Games: Is sports a religion? Is religion a sport?" Religion story ideas & sources. 18 Jan. 2005. 2 June 2009 .

Higgs, Robert J., and Michael C. Braswell. The High Seriousness of the Religion as Sports: A Return to Polytheism? An Unholy Alliance: The Sacred and Modern Sports. Macon: Mercer UP, 2004. 337-66.

Little Giants. Dir. Duwayne Dunham. Perf. Rick Moranis and Ed O'Neil. DVD. Warner Bros, 1994.
Price, Joseph L. "The Super Bowl as Religious Festival." Christian Century 22 Feb. 1984. 2 June 2009 .

Robinson, B. A. "What is "religion"?" Ontario Consultants on Religious Tolerance. 15 Dec. 2007. 2 June 2009 .

"Sport and Spirituality in Popular Culture." Bringing Buddha Dharma Home. Apr.-May 2005. 2 June 2009 .

Zuelow, Eric G. "Benedict Anderson: The Nation as Imagined Community." Nationalism Studies Information ClearingHouse. 1983. 2 June 2009 .

*: I heard this statement while watching a video on Tony Dungy. I cannot find the video online so I cannot properly site this.

The Issue of Identity – Finding Women’s Voices in Christianity

By Celia Fitz-Walter

Women have been traditionally considered as marginalised and voiceless in religion. Whilst an increasing number of religions are allowing women to have greater participation and leadership roles, there are still traditional religions which are led and shaped by men, including many Christian religions. The following essay will examine how and why women have been marginalised in Christianity, using two case studies to illustrate the effect of excluding women in the religious hierarchy. The first case study will examine the Catholic Church and its treatment of women, and the second case study will look at how women in Africa are moving beyond traditional Christian religions in order to find their own spiritual voice.

Morny Joy believes that many Christian women have felt alienated in their religion because God has been traditionally conceived through male-identified ideals, thus making it difficult for women to find their own voice and receive recognition of their experiences. She states, “For too long women in religion, as well as in society itself, have been denied their voice. Their experiences have been regarded as insignificant” (Joy 1995). These thoughts are reflected by Ursula King, who believes that, in traditional religions, ideals have been put forward by men to the detriment and exclusion of women, with no attention to gender specificities. She believes that the discrimination that has resulted from this exclusion of women has been naturalised and defended as being God-given (King 1995).

‘God-imagery’ and ‘God-talk’, traditionally conceived by males and directly relating to males, has in recent times been challenged and revised by feminist theological scholars, so much to the extent that Morny Joy believes Christian theology is undergoing a major permanent change (Joy 1995). Additionally, changes in contemporary Western philosophy, notably French and American, have allowed for greater articulation of women’s expression in theology and have meant that women do not have to rely on traditional masculine-centred ideals (Joy 1995). There are hurdles that need to be overcome with this articulation, however, and Joy identifies three philosophical limitations with regards to finding religious identities for women. Firstly, essentialism; when things are regarded as being natural or having universal validity rather than being socially or culturally constructed, secondly, relativism; when truths are seen as being dependent on the individual holding them and, thirdly, dualism; the idea of two basic opposing elements, such as ‘masculine’ and ‘feminine’. Ursula King believes that for women to find their voice in religion ‘gender polarization’ needs to be overcome, that is, when the sex of one’s body is linked to their character, behaviour and sexuality (King 1995).

Notable Christian feminist theologian Rosemary Ruether’s work has focussed on the importance of women’s experience in Christianity, and how this has been ignored in the past with the focus on males and male-centred ideals. She states, “Women in contemporary churches are suffering from linguistic and Eucharistic famine. They can no longer nurture their souls in alienating words that ignore or systematically deny their existence. They are starved for the words of life, for symbolic forms that fully and wholeheartedly affirm their personhood” (Ruether 1986, p. 4). It is the importance of identification and connection that Ruether speaks of that seems to run through the work of many feminist theological scholars as something which women, in particular those in Christian religions, seek. In order to explore this further, this essay will now focus on the Catholic Church and its treatment of women.

Case Study One – The Catholic Church

Whilst receiving much praise, the decision to allow for women’s ordination in the Anglican Church was not accepted by many people and resulted in a number of Anglican priests and laity leaving their church (Cornwell 2001). Many have argued that it is time for the Catholic Church to follow suit and allow women to become priests, however a declaration in 1994 by John Paul II that women in the Catholic Church would never serve as priests essentially put a stop to all further discussions of this issue at the Vatican (Cornwell 2001).

There are a number of reasons which have been used to defend the Church’s refusal to grant women’s ordination with the three main reasons seen to be because only men were present at the Last Supper, because women were never ordained by Jesus, and because women cannot present God as they do not resemble Jesus in his maleness. (McClory 2007 and Morwood 2007). However, many scholars believe that the issue stems from the Church’s general exclusion and alienation of women from its early inception. Morwood states, “All throughout its history, the Church has treated women with suspicion and with belief in male superiority. Medieval scholars taught that women do not have the wisdom of men and therefore should not be entrusted with public office in the Church” (Morwood 2007 p. 87).

The bible is often used for justification of the subjugation of women. John Cornwell believes that exclusive language in the bible and the denial of women to priesthood are the two main ways that the Catholic Church can be seen to alienate women. He says that the scriptural and liturgical patriarchal language including the use of ‘false generics’ (whereby a term such as ‘man’ is used to refer to both males and females) has contributed to the notion of women as inferior to dominant men (Cornwell 2001). Passages in the bible have been used to support the case against women’s ordination, in particular the Genesis account, whereby woman comes from man and is tempted into committing the main sin against God. Max Charlesworth says, however, that this story has to be interpreted in light of the patriarchal views of Jewish people in the early days. He states, “….Genesis is not a good source for developing a Christian understanding of the meaning of gender differences and human sexuality. Clearly, the mythical account in Genesis of the creation of the first man and woman reflects the cultural prejudices of early Judaism about women’s inferiority” (Charlesworth 2008 p. 29). Another scripture that has been used in association with negative prejudices against women is The Book of Leviticus in the Old Testament, interpretations of which raised stigmas about menstruation and female impurity. Such interpretations of this account were, until recently, used to support the view that women cannot be priests because of the view that menstruating women were infectious and therefore not allowed in the sanctuary containing the Eucharist and other holy objects (Cornwell 2001).

Disregarding the various arguments for and against women’s ordination in the Catholic Church, the issue has been receiving increased consideration in recent times due to a practical reason, that being the dwindling number of Catholic priests and in some cases, parishes without priests (Cornwell 2001). Charlesworth points to a particular example in the Netherlands which has experienced a significant drop in the number of ordained priests and where many Catholics are missing out on celebrating a Eucharistic celebration because of the shortage of priests. With relation to this instance, it has been proposed that both men and women should be allowed to celebrate the Eucharist in the absence of an ordained priest (Charlesworth 2008). Certainly there are a significant number of Catholic women who do feel a calling towards the Catholic priesthood. A simple internet search for ‘women Catholic priests’ reveals numerous organisations and international groups that are pressing for the ordination of women in the Catholic Church. There has been a series of secret ordination ceremonies for women that have already occurred however these are not recognised by the Roman Catholic Church, and some of the women ordained have been excommunicated from the Catholic Church as a result (McClory 2007). However, not all Catholic feminist scholars approve the idea of women’s ordination because they view the whole clerical structure as outmoded and in need of fundamental renewal. Whilst prominent feminist theologian Elisabeth Schüssler Fiorenza has in the past campaigned for women’s ordination in light of the Anglican move, currently she and other feminists are pushing to abolish ordination full stop and instead have a system of increased equality with shifting leadership roles (Cornwell 2007).

If there ever was a time when it was seen that a change in women’s positions in the Catholic Church might occur it was when The Second Vatican Council was held in the 1960s, at a time when the feminist movement was making progress, especially in America. There were calls for women’s equality on all fronts; business, politics, education, and religion. While the Vatican Council showed promise of change for women’s positions in the Church, it appeared to fall short of many women’s hopes and expectations. This is shown more specifically with regards to statistics of the number of Roman Catholic nuns, whose role until the Second Vatican Council has been described as “essentially one of radical subservience to the male-dominated clergy” (Morwood 2007, p. 184). It was reported that 170, 000 Roman Catholic nuns gave up their position in the twenty years following the Second Vatican Council, and in the forty years after reports showed a 58 percent loss of nuns to the Catholic Church (Cornwell 2007 and Morwood 2007). Additionally, the average age of Roman Catholic nuns is said to be seventy and rising (Morwood 2007). Whilst these plummeting figures have been said by many to be reflective of societal changes since the ‘60s, such as increased education and career possibilities for many women, others, particularly feminist scholars, have cited two conflicting visions of the Church as the reason for so many women’s departure. The first vision is said to be that of the traditional male-dominated hierarchy, and the other is said to be the pluralist view of the Church catering to all people (Cornwell 2007).

Catholic feminists who are challenging traditional ideals and roles of women are calling for dialogue with Church authorities so that women have the opportunity to experience a closer identification with the Church. However, not all Catholic women want the traditional position of women to change. There are conservative Catholic women’s groups who are against Catholic feminists and their work (Cornwell 2007). However, there still remains to be a significant number of women who have left the Catholic Church, and whilst some may have chosen to abandon adherence to a certain faith altogether, others have sought spiritual advancement outside the Church.

In recent times, there has been a rise of post-Christian spiritualities in Europe and America, said to appeal to women who were once Christians but who have moved away from their traditional religion (Woodhead 1993). Noted for their ‘religious eclecticism’ and for drawing on a range of myths, rituals, and god and goddess-centred worship, post-Christian spiritualities are said to have been developed by feminists who sought spiritual connection that they could not find in their traditional religion (Woodhead 1993). These religions are offering solace to women in the Western world who are seeking spiritual connection outside of their traditional religions. In Africa, too, a significant number of women are turning to new religious movements, and this will now be examined.

Case Study Two – New Religious Movements in Africa

An article by Rosalind Hackett investigates a range of new independent churches in Africa and how they appeal to women who have been excluded from traditional religions. Whilst Hackett acknowledges that women may be drawn to the new movements because of spiritual or financial problems, she believes that they often stay because they feel greater inclusiveness and responsibility as women compared to other religions. She also believes the holistic aspect of many movements as well as increased support and an emphasis on spirituality make the new movements very popular with women (Hackett 1995).

Hackett outlines a wide variety and range of religious movements, including new revivalist movements as well as those that revive traditional religious ideas and concepts (neo-traditional movements). In fact, many of the new religions are said to borrow from traditional religions such as Catholicism, but show a reinterpretation and revitalisation of beliefs and practices (Hackett 1995). Greater status is offered to African women in many of the new movements compared to traditional religions or mission churches, with some church hierarchies based on spiritual gifts or experience instead of education so that women have increased leadership opportunities (Hackett 1995).

Hackett also discusses the significant number of religious movements that have been founded by women. One particular religious movement is the Cherubim and Seraphim movement in Nigeria, which began as a prayer movement to supplement Anglican Church services. The founder of the movement, Madam Christianah, belonged to the Anglican Church and was heavily involved with traditional religion, however a number of contentions with her church caused her to break away and become Mother Superintendent of the Western Conference of the Cherubim and Seraphim in 1936 (Hackett 1995). The movement was developed by women and there are a number of opportunities for women to have positions of leadership however Hackett does reveal that there are fewer openings for women to hold leadership positions compared to men.

Admittedly, while the leadership opportunities available to women in new religious movements appear to be greater than those offered by traditional religions or mission Churches, Hackett notes that women rarely get promoted to high positions of leadership within the movements and instead it is through their own initiative or as a result of secession that they can achieve an elevated status. However, Hackett does make note of some progressive churches, such as The Church of the Lord, where women can hold leadership positions at the top of the hierarchy.

Amongst the diversity of new religious movements in Africa, Hackett points out prevailing themes, these being the recognition of women’s spiritual and mystical powers, rejection of oppressive practices for women, non-conformism to tradition (or “ambivalence’ of tradition”), and greater leadership and participatory roles and opportunities for women (Hackett 1995). It appears from this case study that a significant number of African women are turning to faiths in which they can spiritually identify with and feel included in.

Concluding Remarks

The two case studies discussed above show some of the effects of excluding women from traditional religions. In the Catholic Church, exclusive language and activities which alienate women have meant that some women have sought spiritual connection elsewhere. In Africa, the exclusion of women is evidenced by the growing number of new religious movements that are appealing to women who have left their traditional religions. What both case studies show is that, for a significant number of women, spiritual connection and religious identity are important, and if they cannot find this in their Christian religion then they may pursue this through other avenues. Feminist readings of the Christian Scripture have been said to liberate women to an extent but many have pointed to the need for dialogue between feminist scholars and religious hierarchies in order to challenge and revitalise old concepts so that women may feel greater acknowledgement and inclusion in their religion.

References

Charlesworth, Max. A Democratic Church. Mulgrave: John Garratt Publishing, 2008.

Cornwell, John. Breaking Faith. New York: Penguin Books, 2001.

Hackett, Rosalind. “Women and New Religious Movements in Africa.” Religion and Gender. Ed. Ursula King. Cambridge: Blackwell, 1995. 257-290.

Joy, Morny. “God and Gender: Some Reflections on Women’s Invocations of the Divine.” Religion and Gender. Ed. Ursula King. Cambridge: Blackwell, 1995. 121-143.

King, Ursula (ed). Religion and Gender. Oxford: Blackwell, 1995. 1-28.

McClory, Robert. As it Was in the Beginning. New York: Crossroad Publishing Company, 2007.

Morwood, Michael. From Sand to Solid Ground. Richmond: Spectrum Publications, 2007.

Ruether, Rosemary. Women-Church: Theology and Practice. San Francisco: Harper & Row, 1986.

Woodhead, Linda. “Post-Christian Spiritualities.” Religion 1993, Vol. 23. 167-181.

Interfaith Movements, Religion and the Approach to Religious Violence

By Taryn Horwood

Organised religion has existed throughout the twenty-first century facing such phenomena as globalisation, religious violence, secularism and pluralism, to name but some of the seemingly particularly contentious points. Cumulatively these concepts are essentially hurdles for religious views that seek singularity, dominance and religious governance, and the coexistence of such worldviews has been attributed with providing a potential basis for the toleration or at least occurrence of religious violence. In light of this modern international context this essay will discuss the relationship between religion and interfaith movements in dealing with the issue of religious violence and violence-inspired fundamentalisms. Considering theories of interfaith dialogue, social cohesion, the dispute between religious worldviews and religion’s importance to societal structures, two practical examples will be used to outline the benefits and disadvantages of working across faiths to counter violence.

The introduction of this essay has highlighted globalisation, secularism and pluralism as contemporary experiences of organised religion. Whilst not seeking to examine how each of these concepts affect religion today, this essay will instead explore how religions coexisting in a diverse, non-religiously governed, international arena attempt to work with interfaith movements to resolve the prevalence of religious violence. In order to address this relationship between religions, interfaith movements and violence it is important to first establish the context of terms with which this essay will be dealing. Given the focus of this essay on the organised, major world religions and how they interact on a representative level, religion is understood as “institutions who hold to a Divine authority intended to be administered through a hierarchy, which has special powers, responsibilities and disciplines that govern or influence society”.[1] Furthermore, the notion of fundamentalism will be used when considering religiously inspired violence, and so for the purpose of this essay is defined as “a concept usually applied to biblical religions, cults, sects and their literature, identifying a belief in the absolute and infallible truth of whatever authority they rest on”[2]. This definition is significant when considering interfaith and religious approaches to resolving violent hostility displayed by fundamentalist adherents, given the nature of such belief. Finally, a term that should, according to Felicita Carr, be distinguished from the concepts of ‘interreligious’ and ‘ecumenical’, ‘interfaith’ is defined as; “relationships and encounters between members of different religious, spiritual, philosophic, faith and other communities, with an emphasis on the interpersonal and experiential nature of such interactions”[3]. Evidently, interfaith is a philosophy that promotes genuine relationships between various religions with a view to positive and effective coexistence, as is illustrated by the published mission of The Institute of Interfaith Dialog; “The Institute of Interfaith Dialog is a non-profit organization whose primary goal is to help bring together the communities in order to promote compassion, cooperation, partnership and community service through interfaith dialog and conversation”.[4] In light of this idea, it is possible to consider how such an approach to religious diversity may incorporate religion to attempt to resolve religiously violent issues.

The issue of religious violence has a variety of common perceptions amongst its religious witnesses; however of these numbered analyses the impact of contemporary social issues on religious adherents is a factor that has gained considerable attention. As previously mentioned, the combination of global interdependence, diversity and secularism in the modern world have had unique implications on major world religions, however it has been observed that such implications have naturally manifested negatively for the local proponents of various faiths. As explained by Elyse Rider in her work Interfaith Dialogue: A Deconstructive Site for the Cycles of Mythic Violence?, “we collectivise our knowledge into religious and political laws that we violently maintain against difference within our communities and particularly against those exogenous to our circles of contained and labelled truths”.[5] In a globalised world religious beliefs have the potential to appear threatened, and it has been the observation of interfaith thinking that there is value in attempting to weaken and eventually eliminate the ‘us’ and ‘them’ mentality often present in religious belief. Such thinking is akin to “the enclave culture” theory developed by Gabriel Abraham Almond, R. Scott Appleby and Emmanuel Sivan, an idea that suggests fundamentalist movements tend to consider themselves as a marginalised and alienated minority of a hostile world.[6] Thus an anti-pluralistic issue has been highlighted as a factor of violence-inspired fundamentalisms, and it appears to be the resolve of religious leaders to change religious thinking through the particular action of interfaith dialogue.

As diverse religions existing in a globalised modern world has been highlighted as a factor of contemporary religious aggression, the social theme of this issue has resulted in its relevance to the interfaith cause. The impact of ‘the enclave theory’ has seen religious leaders identify this hindrance in religious thought and promote the message of interfaith relations to their respective parts of the world, largely through the practise of interfaith dialogue. According to R. Scott Appleby, for religions to be successful at peace building in the twenty-first century they must envision three goals, the third of which is to give priority to establishing and supporting interreligious dialogue and cooperation to provide an opportunity for transforming the issue of conflict.[7] It is evident that religion is an intrinsic factor of interfaith philosophy, and controversially so since religious views are usually invoked as an inspiration of religious violence. However much of the involvement of major religious authorities in interfaith movements can be attributed to the challenging idea that whilst essentially invoked in religious conflict, religion is a necessity for peace and as such is required in the peace building process. This thought is illustrated by Professor A.R. Radcliffe-Brown in his lecture on Religion and Society, when he discusses “the theory that any religion is an important or even essential part of the social machinery, as are morality and law, part of the complex system by which human beings are enabled to live together in an orderly arrangement of social relations”.[8] Due to the common interpretation of the value of religion in influencing peace it has been the choice of many religious leaders and community members to adopt the philosophy of interfaith and engage in interfaith dialogue and relations. Such an attitude was expressed by Pope John Paul II to hundreds of people from twenty different religions at the conclusion of the Interreligious Assembly hosted by the Vatican in October 1999; “religion and peace go together: to wage war in the name of religion is a blatant contradiction. Religious leaders must show that they are pledged to peace precisely because of their religious belief. The task before us therefore is to promote a culture of dialogue. Individually and together, we must show how religious belief inspires peace, encourages solidarity, promotes justice and upholds liberty”.[9] Notably, Pope John Paul II’s reference to religious leaders pledging peace precisely because they hold a religious belief is another aspect of religion and interfaith movements attempting to penetrate the barriers of competing religions, by finding similarities.

Whilst changing the nature of religious thought in today’s diverse society through preventing the survival tendencies of fundamentalist thought, both religious and interfaith adherents have emphasised the notion that religions can relate to each other through their similarities. The concept of globalisation has been altered by such groups to portray the perception that all religions are noticeably similar and have the ability to share certain goals, in an attempt to replace the perception of globalisation as fostering threatening and competing religious ideals. Marc Gopin discusses the documented evidence of the leaders of many world religions having expressed a commonality of both goals and values in recent decades, [10] and Anna Halafoff notably cites the 1993 World Parliament of Religions focus on common-ground in the form of discussing poverty and human rights issues as “shared problems and threats”.[11] It is evident that interfaith movements encourage the major religions to consider their similarities and discuss global issues as a united religious body, to discourage views of segregation and emphasise positive commonalities of different faiths. Thus the relationship between religion and interfaith movements has been demonstrated, with it being evident that religion is a necessary influence for fundamentalist and religiously aggressive thought, with both religious and interfaith groups striving for peaceful coexistence. It can now be demonstrated through two case studies what the benefits and disadvantages are of working across faiths to counter violence.

The first case study to be examined highlights the benefits of addressing the ‘us’ and ‘them’ mentality across different faiths as a measure of countering religious violence. This issue was addressed by Fethullah Gülen, a Turkish Muslim scholar who founded the interfaith-associated Gülen Institute and is responsible for pioneering a rejuvenation of the Interfaith Dialog spirit in the Turkish-Muslim tradition in 1994.[12] One of the many aspects of Gülen’s work has been transforming perception between Muslims and non-Muslims, where he focused on the aforementioned mentality of ‘us’ and ‘them’.[13] Through his studies Gülen realised the insecurity felt by Muslims who perceived the Western world as subtly seeking to undermine Islam, a feeling that is largely due to memories of Western colonialism. Subsequently, the notion of the development of Islam into an ideology of conflict and reaction has resulted in suspicion and mistrust of Muslims, increasing the cycle of mutual negative perception. According to Gülen, interfaith dialogue is a building block for further peaceful development; “dialogue, tolerance, and trust reinforce each other: developed through the dialogue, tolerance helps to accept all differences in order to further the wider goal of cooperation”.[14] As with the thoughts of Elyse Rider previously discussed in this essay, such negative thoughts of the external world and such resultant protection of internal beliefs and truths appears to suggest that changing perceptions between religious groups can significantly break down violent barriers that exist based on ingrained ideas. Altering the mentality of Muslims and non-Muslims demonstrates that a negative cycle has the potential to be broken, and working across these faiths to counter this violent attitude demonstrates the benefits of a fundamental step providing a basis for more vast improvements. Obstacles are evident in other case studies, however, where the aim of communication across faiths has exhibited disadvantages for resolving violence.

The second case study to be examined is that of peace building in the Middle East. In Interfaith Dialogue and Peacebuilding, Ronald Young discusses the venture of hundreds of American Jews, Christians and Muslims working together in the US Interreligious Committee for peace in the Middle East since 1987.[15] Whilst the venture was seemingly well-intended, Young ultimately sums up the issues experienced by these proponents of different religions, explaining that there are several significant interfaith obstacles to be overcome before resolving the destructive issue of violence. Firstly, Young describes the historical issues between the Israeli Jews and Palestinians as manifesting in bitterness and partisanship regarding the issue and as a result there is a lack of committed activism to the peace building cause. A subsequent obstacle of this partisanship has been a tendency to classify the argument into sides of ‘right’ or ‘wrong’, and the inability to appreciate the entirety of arguments throughout the Arab-Israeli-Palestinian conflict means lacking the sort of understanding of the situation that is beneficial for the process of peace building. Thirdly, and possibly most significantly, attempting a peaceful resolve for the Middle East conflict requires the Jews, Christians and Muslims involved to confront deep fears and prejudices they have about one another. The view of Young is that religion has unfortunately contributed as often to fuelling the Arab-Israeli-Palestinian conflict as it has to help resolve it, and as such it is evident that working across faiths to counter violence in this situation is unhelpful, and possibly sometimes damaging.

This essay has examined factors of competitive religious worldviews, social cohesion, interfaith dialogue and the influence of religion on societal structures, to determine an intrinsically beneficial relationship between interfaith movements and religion that encourages positive interfaith relations and commonalities to attempt to counter religious violence. Whilst it is apparent that difficulties do arise from the process of peace building through interfaith dialogue, and as such the relationship is not always effective, it is evident that the relationship between interfaith and religion in attempting to resolve issues of religious violence and promote a future of understanding and peace is a promising and effective one.

In-text References

Almond, G.A., Appleby, R.S. and Sivan, E. Strong Religion: The Rise of Fundamentalisms Around the World. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2003.

Appleby, R.S. The Ambivalence of the Sacred: Religion, Violence, and Reconciliation. Oxford: Rowman and Littlefield, 2000.

Benedict, G. The Watkins Dictionary of Religions and Secular Faiths. London: Watkins Publishing, 2008.

Carr, F. Peace-building through Ecumenical and Interfaith Dialogue. www.acu.edu.au/__data/assets/pdf_file/0011/158546/Carr_InterfaithPeace.pdf

Gopin, M. Between Eden and Armageddon: The Future of World Religions, Violence, and Peacemaking. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002.

Gülen Institute. http://www.guleninstitute.org/index.php/Biography.html

Halafoff, A. Multifaith Movements in Ultramodernity. Monash University. August 2008. www.tasa.org.au/conferencepapers08/Religion/Halafoff,%20Anna,%20Session%2012%20PDF.pdf

Korostelina, K. ‘Redefining “Us” and “Them”: Gülen’s approach to transformation of perceptions between Muslims and non-Muslims’. Conference Proceedings from Islam in the Age of Global Challenges: Alternative Perspectives of the Gülen Movement. November 14-15, 2008.

Rider, E. Interfaith Dialogue: A Deconstructive Site for the Cycles of Mythic Violence?. Monash University. www.colloquy.monash.edu.au//issue16/rider.pdf

Radcliffe-Brown, Professor A.R. ‘Religion and Society’. In The Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland, Vol. 75, No. 1/2, 1945.

The Institute of Interfaith Dialog. http://www.interfaithdialog.org/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=5&Itemid=6

Young, R. ‘American Jews, Christians and Muslims Working Together for Peace in the Middle East’. In Interfaith Dialogue and Peacebuilding. Edited by David R. Smock. US Institute of Peace Press, 2002.

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[1] Gerald Benedict, The Watkins Dictionary of Religions and Secular Faiths (London: Watkins Publishing, 2008), 485.

[2] Ibid., 192.

[3] Felicita Carr, Peace-building through Ecumenical and Interfaith Dialogue, 2-3, www.acu.edu.au/__data/assets/pdf_file/0011/158546/Carr_InterfaithPeace.pdf

[4] The Institute of Interfaith Dialog http://www.interfaithdialog.org/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=5&Itemid=6

[5] Elyse Rider, Interfaith Dialogue: A Deconstructive Site for the Cycles of Mythic Violence?, Monash University, 148, www.colloquy.monash.edu.au//issue16/rider.pdf

[6] Gabriel Abraham Almond, R. Scott Appleby, Emmanuel Sivan, Strong Religion: The Rise of Fundamentalisms Around the World (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2003), 23-24.

[7] R. Scott Appleby, The Ambivalence of the Sacred: Religion, Violence, and Reconciliation, (Oxford: Rowman and Littlefield, 2000), 245.

[8] Professor A.R. Radcliffe-Brown, ‘Religion and Society’, The Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland, Vol. 75, No. 1/2 (1945), 33.

[9] Felicita Carr, Peace-building through Ecumenical and Interfaith Dialogue, 1-2, www.acu.edu.au/__data/assets/pdf_file/0011/158546/Carr_InterfaithPeace.pdf

[10] Marc Gopin, Between Eden and Armageddon: The Future of World Religions, Violence, and Peacemaking (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002), 87.

[11] Anna Halafoff, Multifaith Movements in Ultramodernity, Monash University, August 2008, 6, www.tasa.org.au/conferencepapers08/Religion/Halafoff,%20Anna,%20Session%2012%20PDF.pdf

[12] Gülen Institute, http://www.guleninstitute.org/index.php/Biography.html

[13] Karina Korostelina, ‘Redefining “Us” and “Them”: Gülen’s approach to transformation of perceptions

between Muslims and non-Muslims’ (Conference Proceedings from Islam in the Age of Global Challenges: Alternative Perspectives of the Gülen Movement, November 14-15, 2008), 455-459.

[14] Karina Korostelina, ‘Redefining “Us” and “Them”: Gülen’s approach to transformation of perceptions

between Muslims and non-Muslims’ (Conference Proceedings from Islam in the Age of Global Challenges: Alternative Perspectives of the Gülen Movement, November 14-15, 2008), 455-459.

[15] Ronald Young, ‘American Jews, Christians and Muslims Working Together for Peace in the Middle East’ in Interfaith Dialogue and Peacebuilding, David R. Smock (ed) (US Institute of Peace Press, 2002), 63-64.